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weapons-grade fuel.
Today, Iraq's chemical,
biological and nuclear
facilities are spread
throughout the country and
their various locations and
are heavily defended by
highly sophisticated anti-
aircraft missile systems and
complicated anti-tank traps.
It is equally unlikely that
Israel would risk calling Mr.
Hussein's bluff following the
Iraqi leader's threat to
unleash Iraq's chemical
weapons and "incinerate
half of Israel" if another pre-
emptive attack was mounted
on Iraq's military installa-
tions.
If proof were needed of Mr.
Hussein's military ambi-
, tions, they were provided,
somewhat prosaically, by
British Customs officials
earlier this year.
In one raid, the officials
intercepted a consignment of
nuclear triggering devices
that were being smuggled
from San Diego to Baghdad,
via London; in another, they
revealed that a series of
massive pipes which had
been fabricated in Britain
constituted the barrel of a
1,000mm supergun, which
ballistics experts in London
believe would be capable of
delivering nuclear or
chemical warheads across a
vast range.
Israel's response to all
these developments has been

Whatever the
coming years might
hold for the Iraqi
leader, his actions
in Kuwait last week
offered conclusive
proof that he
intends to impose
his will on the
region at almost
any cost.

carefully calibrated. While
assuring Mr. Hussein,
through a variety of
intermediaries, that
Jerusalem bears no animosi-
ty to his regime, Israel has
also been at pains to remind
Iraq that it is well able to de-
fend itself.
The claim, while true,
nevertheless has a hollow
ring, for Israel's fundamen-
tal dilemma is that while it
can match any coalition of
Arab states in a conven-
tional air-sea-land war, it
does not yet possess an effec-

tive response to incoming
missiles.
For the first time since the
establishment of the Jewish
state 42 years ago, therefore,
Israel's principal Arab
enemy possesses the ability
to strike at its population
heartlands.
In the meantime, even as
Mr. Hussein deals with the
international obloquy which
has inevitably followed his
invasion of Kuwait, he is
focusing his attention on his
central objective and clear-
ing away the debris of his
previous regional en-
counters, attempting to
build up regional alliances
that he believes will assist
him in his inevitable en-
counter with Israel.
High-level negotiations
are reportedly underway to
achieve a formal peace trea-
ty with Iran by the end of
this year and, according to
sources in London this week,
Mr. Hussein has ruthlessly
purged dozens of senior offi-
cers who have expressed res-
ervations about the impen-
ding rapprochement.
The Iraqi leader is also ex-
pected to formally mend his
fences with Israel's northern
neighbor and his own arch-
rival, Syria's President
Hafez Assad, when the two
men meet at the Cairo Arab
summit, scheduled for
November.
Not least, Mr. Hussein is
assiduously cultivating
Israel's eastern neighbor,
King Hussein of Jordan, who
remained a loyal and valued
ally throughout the Gulf
War and has been since.
The Jordanian monarch
has frequently acted as a
"front" for Iraqi arms ac-
quisitions when such sup-
plies would have been de-
nied as a result of arms em-
bargos, and the two men re-
cently signed a euphemis-
tically styled Economic Co-
operation Agreement, which
is, in fact, a cover for far-
reaching military coordina-
tion between the two coun-
tries.
The signatures on the
agreement were hardly dry
before Israel monitored Iraqi
surveillance planes conduc-
ting reconnaisance missions
along the Jordanian-Israeli
border.
Whatever the coming
years might hold for the Ira-
qi leader, his actions in
Kuwait last week offered
conclusive proof that he in-
tends to impose his will on

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