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The phrase "basic rights"
is more palatable to Pales-
tinian supporters than
"legitimate rights." That
was the codeword Israel ac-
cepted in the 1979 Camp
David Accords with Egypt,
which allowed for limited
Palestinian autonomy with
no mention of statehood.
Zogby applauded the in-
clusion of language in the
Maine and Texas Democrat-
ic platforms that called for
an end to U.S. aid to coun-
tries that supply military
aid or nuclear technology to
South Africa.
But Leonard Zakim, a po-
litical analyst who is also
New England regional direc-
tor of the Anti-Defamation
League of B'nai B'rith,
claimed that since Saudi
Arabia could just as easily
be doing that as Israel, "I
don't think Zogby should be
hailing that as a victory."
California and Minnesota
adopted pro-Israel planks at
their Democratic conven-
tions, where no negotiations
occurred among Arab and
pro-Israel groups, for diff-
erent reasons.
In California, AAI liked
AIPAC's proposed language
better than that introduced
in the platform committee
by former Gov. Edmund
(Jerry) Brown, the party
chairman. So, an Arab
American offered it in the
committee as an alternative,
where, with a few modifica-
tions, it was successfully
adopted.
In Minnesota, a number of
pro-Palestinian resolutions
proposed by various "left-
wing fringe groups" were
defeated, said Ted Mondale,
a candidate for state Senate.
Mondale, son of former
Vice President Walter Mon-
dale, said pro-Palestinian
activists were more organiz-
ed than they were in 1988,
when he said a "moderately
pro-PLO" platform was
adopted.

He credited a key Jewish
supporter of the Rev. Jesse
Jackson in Minnesota, Paul
Wellstone, for not "actively
organizing against our plat-
form."

Wellstone, who was Min-
nesota's Jackson campaign
co-chairman in 1988, is the
Democratic nominee
challenging incumbent Sen.
Rudy Boschwitz (R-Minn.) in
elections this fall.

Had Minnesota's Rainbow
Coalition fought the pro-
Israel language, the odds
that it would have been
adopted would have been
"much less likely," Mondale
said.
Mondale said he worked as
an ad hoc organizer of the
pro- Israel groups at the con-
vention, because "I don't
want a platform that's pro-
PLO. I don't think it's right
morally, issue- wise or polit-
ically."
Washington was the only
state where Democrats reaf-
firmed a pro-Palestinian
platform from 1988.
Pro-Israel activists in the
Evergreen State had drafted
a platform that called for
"direct negotiations first
between Israel and duly
elected representatives of
the Palestinian people from
the West Bank and Gaza."
They also proposed lang-
uage that said "the legiti-
mate rights of the Palestin-
ian people can be realized in
the context of negotiating a
just and lasting peace with
Israel."
But that language was too
mild for pro-Palestinian ac-
tivists, who succeeded in
gaining the adoption of
language recognizing "the
right of the Palestinian peo-
p 1 e to safety, self-
determination and an in-
dependent Palestinian
state." ❑

Jewish Telegraphic Agency

Middle East

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eign aid to leading reci-
pients, including Israel.
But Kassebaum is enor-
mously popular with her
constituents. According to
the working doctrine of pro-
Israel groups, it is better to
work with an unsupportive
incumbent than to back a
challenger — even when a
potential challenger
happens to be a Jew.
So last year, when Rep.
Dan Glickman sent out
feelers about a possible

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Continued from Page 27

most reliable opponents of
the Palestine Liberation
Organization in the Senate.
In Kansas, Sen. Nancy
Kassebaum, a Republican, is
considered a sure bet for re-
election. Kassebaum has
posed some tricky problems
for pro-Israel activists. She
has been lukewarm on the
question of foreign aid;
Kassebaum was one of only
a handful of legislators to
publicly support Sen. Robert
Dole's call for a cut in for-

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THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS

29

