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They also repeated their
objections to Israel's set-
tlement policy in the oc-
cupied territories and East
Jerusalem, which they
characterized as "illegal
under international law."
And while supporting the
right of Soviet Jews to
emigrate, they inserted the
proviso that "this right must
not be implemented at the
expense of the rights of the
Palestinians in the occupied
territories."
Human rights, the peace
process and the settlement of
Soviet immigrants in the
West Bank and East
Jerusalem were not,
however, the only subjects
that exercised the collective
minds of the European
leaders.
While excoriating
Jerusalem for its sins, they
also resolved to double their
current level of aid to the Pa-
lestinians and intensify
trade links by appointing a
special representative who
would facilitate the "speedy
and efficient implementa-
tion of the Community's
expanding program for the
benefit of the population of
the occupied territories."
The idea of "punishing"
Israel through economic
sanctions is not the hare-
brained notion of some off-
the-wall, left-wing European
bureaucrat; it has entered
the bloodstream of Western
politicians who, while
saluting Nelson Mandela at
every opportunity, point to
the apparent efficacy of
economic sanctions against
apartheid — measures
which set South Africa on
the road to reform after br-
inging the economy to its
knees.
Even the respected British
weekly, The Economist,
which is regarded as sympa-
thetic to Israel, was moved
to editorialize that "more
settlement on occupied ter-
ritory should mean less aid
from America." The burden
of controlling the "hard men
in Israel and in the PLO,"
asserted the weekly journal,
"is the thankless, probably
profitless, task facing
America's statesmen.
"Let the Bush administra-
tion, which already treats
Israel less deferentially than
its predecessors . . . consider
cutting the $3 billion a year
that America gives Israel in
precise response to any set-
tlement in the occupied ter-
ritories," it added. "Sour
medicine, indeed, but the
times are sour. And such
firmness would, in the end,
be the act of a friend."
In a world of rapidly
changing political realities,

the West is now seeking a
quick fix to the most highly
charged regional trouble
spot. At the same time, sanc-
tions against Israel are in-
creasingly perceived as the
most potent weapon that
Western states can deploy in
their battle to convince the
Israeli government to bend
the knee, solve the Palestin-
ian problem — and, in the
process, all else that ails the
Middle East and, by exten-
sion, the West as well.
If only the Israelis would
come to terms with the Pa-
lestinians, goes the
simplistic analysis, it would
avert the threat of another
"hot" war, safeguard the
major sources of the West's
oil supplies, transform Iraq's
Saddam Hussein and
Libya's Muammar Qaddafi
into gentle lambs (if not into
liberal democrats), rid the
world of terrorism, prevent
the political radicalization of
the Arab world, defuse the
anticipated explosion of
Islamic fundamentalism .. .
Israel is no doubt guilty of
cruel excesses in its handl-
ing of the Palestinian
population under its control.
It no doubt lacks sensitivity
in its provocative settlement
policy in the West Bank and

Israel is vulnerable
to economic
sanctions.

Gaza Strip. It has certainly
exhibited an inexplicable
lack of wisdom and imagina-
tion in dealing with its prob-
lems. But is this sufficient
reason to contemplate, with
cold bureaucratic precision,
the destruction of the Jewish
state?
Israel is desperately
vulnerable to economic sanc-
tions. It depends heavily —
far too heavily, some argue
— on the civilian and
military aid dollars that flow
in from the United States.
And like most technological
countries, it relies on loans
and lines of credit, on foreign
investment and on con-
tinued access to high-level
Western technology.
The well-fed, highly-bred
politicians of the West could
unquestionably succeed
against Israel where suc-
cessive Arab armies have
failed. Such action might
provide immediate relief for
the frustration and anguish
which they so obviously —
and so obsessively — feel
about "intransigent" Israel,
but it is doubtful whether
such action would
ameliorate a single one of
the problems.

THURS., FRI., SAT., JULY 5th, 6th & 7th

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