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58
FRIDAY, JUNE 8, 1990
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354.6060
Arab Terrorists Spoiled
Things For U.S., P.L.O.
Jerusalem (JTA) — The
United States and the
Palestine Liberation Organ-
ization may have been pro-
pelled by events into a situa-
tion both would have pre-
ferred to avoid.
The 1 6-month-old
U.S.-PLO dialogue hangs by
a thread in the aftermath of
the aborted attack by heav-
ily armed seaborne ter-
rorists on two crowded
Israeli beaches May 30.
Should the dialogue be
broken off, the stalled peace
process would be no closer to
resuming, and extremists in
the PLO could be seen as vic-
torious.
The only casualties of the
beach attack were suffered
by the Palestinian invaders.
But the potential for carnage
-among innocent Israeli
civilians was immense,
which contributed to the
shocking nature of the
event.
The United States needed
to make an appropriate re-
sponse.
Inasmuch as its dialogue
with the PLO was condition-
ed on Yassir Arafat's widely
publicized November 1988
renunciation of terrorism,
the United States hoped the
PLO leader would deliver an
unambiguous condemnation
of the beach assault.
But Arafat's statement on
the attack, carried out by the
Palestine Liberation Front,
a PLO constituent, had a
half-hearted ring in Wash-
ington. He refused, more-
over, to oust PLF leader
Mohammed (Abul) Abbas
from the 15-member PLO
Executive Committee.
Arafat resorted to the
technicality that Abbas, no-
torious for masterminding
the Achille Lauro hijack five
years ago, was
"democratically" elected to
the PLO's executive body by
the 400-member Palestine
National Council and could
only be removed by the so-
called parliament in exile.
That response left the
United States with little
room to maneuver.
In Washington, U.S. Sec-
retary of State James Baker
said at a news briefing Fri-
day night that he was not
satisfied by PLO explana-
tions of the attack.
"We are not going to be
satisfied until we know
everything that we need to
know," Baker said without
elaborating.
The first fallout from the
beach attack was the U.S.
veto on May 31 of a U.N.
Security Council resolution
to send a fact- finding dele-
gation to the West Bank and
Gaza Strip.
Analysts in Israel and in
the United States predicted
that the U.S. would go fur-
ther. But the State Depart-
ment's position at the mo-
ment is that it is still in-
vestigating the cir-
cumstances of the terrorist
attack.
Israel has opposed the
U.S.-PLO dialogue from its
inception and claims
Arafat's renunciation of ter-
rorism was a fraud. The
government here continues
to urge the United States to
end the PLO dialogue, and
the clamor has been taken
up by virtually every Ameri-
can Jewish leader and
organization.
Although both parties
would have liked to continue
the talks, they now find
themselves clinging to posi-
tions that could lead to their
suspension.
The United States insists
that it cannot continue the
dialogue if the Palestinians
resume military operations
against Israel.
The PLO leadership, on
the other hand, is not strong
enough politically or in prac-
tical terms to enforce a cease-
fire on its most militant
elements and their leaders.
Arafat seems unable or
unwilling to accept the
American demand to oust
Abul Abbas. But by rejecting
it, he risks much.
Suspension of the dialogue
with the United States
would mean a political vic-
tory for the more radical
groups under the PLO um-
brella, weakening the
Arafat camp and his
relatively moderate sup-
porters.
Arafat, in fact, has little
reason to be satisfied with
recent political develop-
ments. The peace process is
stalemated. His main polit-
ical achievement, a working
relationship with the United
States, is coming apart, and
even the intifada seems to be
leading nowhere.
Moreover, in the eyes of
the Palestinians, the con-
tinued flow of Jewish immi-
grants to Israel seems to
upset whatever gains their
uprising has achieved.
The threat posed by the re-
cent upsurge of Jewish im-
migration was a chief item
on the agenda of last week's
Arab summit meeting in