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DECEMBER 29. 1989 BACKGROUND Huge Drain Of Western Support Part Of 80s Legacy For Israel HELEN DAVIS Foreign Correspondent T he past decade has not been kind to Israel. From its disastrous adventure in Lebanon to the intifada closer to home, Israel has been forced to con- front the limitations of its power and its inability to translate military might into political facts. Immobilized by six years of national unity government, the Jewish state has witness- ed a massive, perhaps irrever- sible, drain of diplomatic and political support among some of its closet friends in the West. It has also been compelled to look on impotently as Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman Yassir Arafat cleverly played all the angles of the intifada, exploiting both Israel's glaring internal po- litical weaknesses and its external hemorrhage to reap a bumper diplomatic harvest. Today, more nations recognize the phan- tom, national Palestinian state than the Jewish state. Yet, as the world embarks on a new decade, high on the adrenalin of events in Eastern Europe, a neat paradox is developing. Even as old friendships cool in the West, new opportunities are opening up for Israel in the East. It is now possible to contemplate the coming years with more optimism than would have been pru- dent only a few months ago. The rigid Soviet doctrine has been overtaken by an at- titude of benign pragmatism. No longer does the Soviet Union reach out reflexively to crush manifestations of democracy in its East European empire; no longer is Eastern Europe a monolithic bloc of an- tagonism toward the Jewish state. The "automatic majority" against Israel — not only the Communist bloc, but also large swathes of black Africa — which the Arab world once counted on for support, is disintegrating. States which once cast their vote for every conceivable anti-Israel resolution in every possible international forum are now seeking normal relations with Jerusalem. Never mind that the rap- prochement may not be an expression of profound af- finity with the Jewish state. In matters of international relations, motives are not subjected to scrupulous ex- amination. Friends are em- braced where friendship is offered, and in the coming years Israel is likely to be the beneficiary of a host of new friends. The restoration of rela- tions with Eastern Europe and black Africa is unlikely to bear much tangible economic and diplomatic fruit in the short term, but the unexpected expansion of relations will undoubtedly have the immediate effect of relieving Israel's claustrophobic isolation and boosting its sagging morale. In the Middle East itself, the 80s will be remembered as the decade of fundamen- talism; a decade that opened with the Iran-Iraq Gulf War, raising the terrifying specter of a conflict that could drag other, more vulnerable, Gulf states into the vortex of Islamic revolution, radicalize Moslems throughout the Arab world and ignite an uncontrollable regional firestorm. Events in the early 80s did indeed serve to justify fears that Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, after toppling the pro-Western Shah of Iran from his Peacock Throne, would realize his stated am- bition of exporting his revo- lution and wresting Jerusalem from Jewish hands. Khomeini's turbulent society did not, as the Iraqis had calculated, crumble under the weight of their unexpected onslaught; equally, the ayatollah failed in his export bid. The protracted Gulf War, which occupied most of the decade, left an estimated one million combatants dead and ended in stalemate. For Israel, however, it provided a relative respite. The war not only tied down two of its most implacable foes but also concentrated other Arab minds on their own vulnerabilities in the face of a militant Islam. So long as the Gulf War raged, Israel could enjoy the luxury of knowing that the threat of full scale Arab hostilities was drastically reduced. While Khomeini failed to conquer new territory for Islam and while triumphant Islamic soldiers did not besiege Israel's gates, the Hashemi Rafsanjani: Won't douse flame. message of radical religious revolution did give birth to a cluster of revolutionary groups and fired existing Islamic movements with renewed fervor. In 1981, fundamentalists who bitterly opposed Egypt's peace treaty with Israel, gunned down President An- war Sadat during a military parade in Cairo, while arm- ed bands of pro-Iranian zealots bombed both Western and Arab targets in various Gulf states, notably Kuwait. The following year, the shadowy Hezbollah move- ment took root in the fertile soil of Lebanon, a country which was already shattered by sectarian strife and was then in the grip of an Israeli occupation force, a meaty bone to chew on. Hezbollah received military training from a con- tingent of Iranian Revolu- tionary Guards, while weapons, logistical support and financial assistance flowed from the Iranian Em- bassy in Damascus. All this facilitated Hez- bollah's guerrilla war against Israeli and Western targets, including the dev- astating suicide attacks on United States and French peace-keeping forces which had sought to bring order to that fractious, fractured state. The departure of Israeli forces from Lebanon in 1984, with Hezbollah suicide bombers snapping at their heels and sapping their morale, was the cue for an escalation of violence. Under the protective umbrella of Hezbollah, new Islamic revo- lutionary groups — Islamic