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44

FRIDAY, DECEMBER 1, 1989

,

Jibril, 'Spoiler' In Mideast,
Is The Terrorist's Terrorist

HELEN DAVIS

Foreign Correspondent

A

8 the Palestinian
uprising enters its
third year, PLO
chairman Yassir Arafat is
no doubt still somewhat
stunned by the power of
those "holy stones" to propel
him out of oblivion and back
into the center stage of in-
ternational politics.
At the same time, Ahmed
Jibril — Arafat's archenemy
in the sinister world of
Palestinian politics — must
be reflecting with a certain
satisfaction on the critical
influence he has exercised in
triggering events that have
convulsed the territories
since Dec. 7, 1987.
From his Damascus eyrie,
Jibril, a 52-year-old former
Syrian Army officer with
close ties to both the Syrian
and Iranian regimes, can
claim with considerable
justification to have provid-
ed both the spark and the
gasoline for the intifada.
Leader of the Popular
Front for the Liberation of
Palestine-General Com-
mand (PFLP-GC), Jibril con-
trols a force of between 800
and 1,000 men based in
Syria and in the Syrian-
controlled Beka'a Valley of
east Lebanon. It is a
relatively small army but
one that packs a powerful
punch, even by the deadly
standards of the Middle
East.
Two acts, both or-
chestrated by Jibril, served
to humiliate Israel in the
eyes of an already restive
Palestinian population and
are now regarded as the
major catalysts for the upris-
ing.
The first came in May
1985 when, following a pro-
tracted period of secret
negotiations, Israel agreed
to exchange 1,150 top-
security Palestinian
prisoners for three Israeli
soldiers who had been cap-
tured by Jibril's men during
Israel's invasion of Lebanon.
Not only were the
prisoners — most of whose
hands were liberally stained
with Jewish blood — allowed
to go free, but Jibril insisted,
and Israel agreed, that those
who opted to remain in the
territories could do so.
More than 600 chose to
stay, and their apparently
seamless reintegration into
Palestinian society provided

Jibril's activities twice humiliated Israel.

a potent focus for disaffec-
tion.
They returned to their
towns and villages not as
outcasts and outlaws but as
heroes; the stuff of legends
for tens of thousands of
Palestinian youngsters; liv-
ing proof that it was possible
to take on the "invincible"
Israeli Army and emerge
victorious.
Then, in late November
1987, just days before the
start of the intifada, Jibril
delivered his second coup
when a lone gunman, cling-
ing precariously to the bar of
a motorized hang-glider,
evaded Israel's formidable
Lebanese border defenses,
penetrated an army base
through its main gate and
killed six Israeli soldiers
before himself being shot
dead by an army cook.
By demonstrating that
military actions speak
louder than diplomatic
words, Jibril had prevailed
where Arafat had failed. He
had reduced Israel's political
leaders and its army to mor-
tal proportions; he had ex-
posed them to ridicule and
contempt; and he had
achieved those ends by spec-
tacularly public means.

Nor was that the end of
Jibril's role. Having tripped
the switch that ignited the
uprising, he proceeded to
keep alive the flame of revo-
lution by encouraging, ac-
tivating, inciting and direc-
ting the euphoric energies
he had unleashed in the oc-
cupied territories through
the Voice of Palestine radio
station.
His most spectacular
outrage, however, was yet to
come.
Last December, Arafat
stood up at a press con-
ference in Room 19 of the
Palais des Nations in
Geneva to pronounce the
magic words that would
open an official dialogue
with the United States.
Ten days later, Jibril, who
passionately opposes
Arafat's apparent modera-
tion and his eagerness to
work toward a diplomatic
settlement with Israel via
Washington, allegedly engi-
neered an operation,
breathtaking in its sav-
agery, that was to stun the
world and challenge the
PLO leader's claim to speak
unequivocally for the
Palestinian people.
As Pan Am Flight 103, en

