says. "There's progress all the
time. We're not nervous."
In the "more or less
normal" times before the
uprising, Hebron was "the
one example of Jews and
Arabs living together," Domb
says. "In other places they
built around the Arabs. The
Arabs here got used to (our
presence)."
According to Domb and
other local Jews, the image Of
Hebron and Kiryat Arba as
rife with violence-prone Jews
is exaggerated. The same
exaggeration is true of the
Arabs. "There's maybe 8
percent on either side that
has nothing better to do than
make a balagan,(ruckus)"
Domb says.
Domb says he opposes
vigilantism, private militias,
and the politics of Meir
Kahane who, along with his
followers, the Israel-born
Domb points out, are all
foreign imports.
"Until this day I'm not
Kahane. I'm not for killing 10
Arabs for breakfast. Baruch
Hashem we have a country, a
government and an army. We
want to wake up the
government and the army."
Actions taken by the
settlers, Domb says, "is not to
make the Arabs afraid, but to
get the government's
attention."
Domb criticizes the Israeli
left for its desire to solve the
Palestinian problem by re-
turning the territories to
Guru of Ramat Mamre
I
n one corner of lawyer
Elyakim Haetzni's liv-
ing room is displayed a
silver plaque, with an
etching by Marc Chagall of
Moses receiving the Ibrah.
The etching is accompanied
by a short quotation. Below
that is a little patch.
"This is the education of
my children," Haetzni says,
ponting to the patch. "The
word peace was written here
and my daughter covered it
up. Peace is a very misused
word. Tiananamen Square
(site of the recent Beijing
massacre) means "the
square of celestial peace."
For us, peace means war."
After Rabbi Moshe
Levinger, Haetzni is the
most outspoken and visible
Israeli in Hebron-Kiryat
Arba. Now living in Ramat
Mamre, Haetzni "made
aliyah" to Kiryat Arba in
September 1972, "on the
day of the Munich
massacre" of Israeli
Olympic atheletes by Pales-
tinian terrorists.
He left Nazi Germany for
Palestine in December 1938.
Comparisons with World
War II figure prominently in
Haetzni's analysis of the
Arab-Israeli conflict. For
Haetzni, Jews who aid or
support the Palestinians are
kapos and his criticism of
Israeli policy often begins
with "Could you imagine
Churchill . . . ?" or "Could
you imagine France or
Germany . . . ?"
He says he enjoys living in
the Hebron area, with its
clean air and water and
good public services. "Until
the intifada, we had the
advantage of all-European
comfort in a place just a
half-hour drive from
Jerusalem and in such
proximity to an oriental
town with all the enchant-
ments of the East. Some
travel to Morocco to be in
such a place. Here you have
it at your doorstep."
GE E
LEGENDARY,. BLADES
A Fiskars Company
Like about 30 percent of
the Jewish population here,
Haetzni is not religious. But
he is a strong supporter of
Gush Emunim, the religious
settlement movement, and
says that prejudices against
religious settlers ironically
could be considered Israeli
anti-Semitism.
"Gush Emunim is the Jew
of the Jewish state — the
ones you love to hate,"
Haetzni says.
Haetzni has his own
solution for the disposition
of the territories —
annexation. "But a classical
annexation where Israel
will pass a law of
parliament where her
Elyakim Haetzni has his own
solution.
sovereign borders are — but
not apply Israeli law there."
This, he says, is the opposite
of the Golan Heights and
Jerusalem annexations.
The Knesset would then
legislate autonomy for the
Palestinians, "but not
according to Camp David"
which surrenders veto
power to either Egypt,
Jordan, Israel of the
Palestinians. Arabs would
run local affairs and no
more, he says.
Their national aspirations
would be expressed in the
country comprising three-
quarters of Palestine and
whose population is 70
percent Palestinian
Jordan.
Haetzni's plan, he says, is
a reworking of United
Nation Resolution 181 for
the partition of Palestine,
the same resolution that the
Palestine Liberation Orga-
nization cited when it
declared its state last year.
Haetzni and the PLO have
very different states in mind
when they quote Resolution
181. In the original plan of
1947, Haetzni says, Jews
living in the Arab state
would vote in the Jewish
state, while Arabs living in
the Jewish state would vote
in the Arab state. "And
nobody regarded it as South
Africa."
While he believes the
Arabs collectively will never
accept the existence of
Israel, Haetzni says it is
possible to coexist with
Arabs individually. "Until
the intifada, the Arabs were
law abiding, behaving
toward the Israeli
government as a citizen
behaves toward his
government."
"If this has changed, it is
because of the sins and
crimes of the Israeli
government," he says, and
names some of them:
"Do you know of one
university belonging to the
PLO outside of Israel? We
have erected seven. Do you
know of a war between
nations where the news-
papers of the enemy are
printed in your capital while
the bombs fall?" Each terror
organization runs its own
women's organization,
sports club, youth movement
and kindergartens with
Israeli approval, he says. All
could be seen as components
of a fledgling state.
"We have built the
superstructures ourselves,"
Haetzni says.
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