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dialogue with the PLO —
despite strong pressure from
Israel, and despite cautious
grumbling from Jewish
groups here.
There are other portents
that are equally hard to read.
In private conversations,
some top State Department
officials are letting it be
known that the administra-
tion is not ruling out any
possibilities in its evolving
approach to the Middle East
— in itself, not a revolu-
tionary disclosure, but in the
context of recent events, a
disclosure which brings to
mind possible U.S. support for
a redivided Jerusalem and for
an autonomous Palestinian
state.
Again, the issue is not the
details of what top officials
are saying at Foggy Bottom,
but the kick-in-the-guts im-
pact of challenging some
basic notions of American
policy in the Middle East.

In what may be yet another
signal, Dan Kurtzer, a top
State Department policy
planning official, spoke to the
recent convention of the Na-
tional Association of Arab
Americans (NAAA).

In his speech, Kurtzer em-
phasized this country's com-
mitment to Israel, but also
that the administration
values its emerging relation-
ship with the PLO.
On the surface, Kurtzer's
comments were just another
example of the administra-
tion's attempts to build
credibility with the Palesti-
nian side of the Middle East
abyss — credibility that they
will presumably use to prod
Arafat's group towards the
negotiating table.

But some observers see
symbolic significance in his
words.
"This is just another exam-
ple of what we're seeing — the
evolution of a policy of sym-
metry," said Shoshana Bryen,
director of the Jewish In-
. stitute for National Security
Affairs (JINSA). "If you say
something positive about
Israel, you have to say
something positive about the
PLO. But symmetry has not
been U.S. policy, until this
point; U.S. policy has been to
defend a democratic ally
against forces that want to
destroy it." Ei

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