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In a curious way, the chairmanship of the President's Conference serves as a kind of overflow valve for pressures that are always building up within the Jewish community. During Abram's tenure, there was always a barely- concealed undercurrent of discontent among Jewish ac- tivists, a concern revolving around Abram's conser- vatism, his competence. Today, many of the same ac- tivists are expressing similar concerns about Reich — and holding Abram up as a kind of paragon of Jewish leadership. "There is no question that there was some concern, some trepidation about filling Mor- ris' shoes," Reich said now. "I'm putting those shoes on one at a time, and I'm comfor- table. I had apprehensions in terms of contacts; Morris was part of the Civil Rights Com- mission, part of the Reagan administration; he knew a tremendous number of people. "But I am finding that the position itself commands respect. If you handle yourself right, you can not only attain the respect of your peers, but that of government officials." His first few months as head of the President's Con- ference have gotten off to a slow start, he said — in part a function of the transition at the White House, and the dif- ficulty in making contact with a half-formed administration. And recent events, in- cluding the growing din over Israel's response to the in- tifada and the new U.S.-PLO dialogue, have come together to add new layers of complex- ity to Reich's job. In fact, these events have nudged to the surface the other dominant theme in Reich's public life — the need for Jewish unity on the question of Israel. Recently, when some Jewish leaders were balking at the invitation to attend the "Prime Ministers Con- ference" in Jerusalem, an event designed to convey the impression of unity on the eve of Prime Minister Shamir's trip to Washington, Reich us- ed the power and influence of his office to pull together a consensus statement in sup- port of the conference, signed by a long list of major Jewish leaders. Reich clearly believes that public criticism of Israel represents a threat to that country's security. In answer to a question about whether there might be circumstances under which he might be forced to make his criticisms of Israeli policy public — if, for example, ex- pulsion of the Arab popula- tion became a serious possibility in Israel — Reich declined to provide a direct answer. "I don't like to hypothesize," he said. "I think you have to respond to issues as they oc- cur. I have faith in Israel, in the Israeli people. When Shamir leaves Washington, it's my expectation that he will have made his mark with the new administration. Peace is not going to break out the day he leaves. They don't trust Arafat, and nobody blames them. I've spoken to many corporate leaders in the last few months, and they say, `Seymour, Israel's got to be crazy if they trust the PLO! So there's this basic understanding out there as to what the PLO is." Michael Lerner, editor of the magazine Tikkun and the unofficial spokesman for an opposing movement within the American Jewish com- Reich is an American classic: a politician who relishes the process of campaigning, whose success is ultimately measured as much by stamina as by vision. munity, suggests that this emphasis on a facade of uni- ty saps the vitality of the Jewish community. Lerner sees Reich as a kind of personification of the generational schism that some observers suggest is slic- ing through the heart of the Jewish community. "He's a perfect example of the anti-intellectual, conser- vative voices in the Jewish world who are out of touch with the majority," Lerner said. "He does represent a segment of American Jews who are involved in the organized Jewish world. But I think they understand they have no base whatsoever in Jews under 45; they have totally failed to recruit significant numbers of younger Jews. This consti- tuency is not represented one inch inside the Conference of Presidents?' Strengths and weaknesses Some of Seymour Reich's critics tend to oversimplify the man's character with generalizations about his competence, his ego and his penchant for publicity. There is a sense among some that Reich's public persona is the beginning and end of his per- sonality, that it is all glossy surfaces. But clearly, there is more to Reich than the striving organization man, the Jewish leader with the stainless steel self-confidence. Without actually spelling it out, Reich depicts himself as the defender of a long tradi- tion of Jewish activism — a tradition typified by B'nai B'rith, a style of activism criticized by people like Michael Lerner as hopelessly out of date. Like any good politician, Reich generally sticks to general statements about ser- vice to the community, about Jewish unity. Some people who have worked with him suggest that he is a man who shies away from controversy; his detractors suggest that this indicates a lack of vision, and his supporters argue that this quality represents the kind of mature diplomacy needed to navigate the treacherous waters of Jewish communal activity. When asked to assess his own strengths and weaknesses as a leader, Reich's answers are revealing. Without pausing to collect his thoughts, he ticks off his strengths. "The ability to listen to other people, to care about other views, to pull the group together," he said. "To sometimes be articulate, to be aggressive when necessary, to stand firm when appropriate. And a deep sense of Jewish commitment." When asked about his weaknesses, there is a long pause. "I have no doubt that there are many. The question is to put them on a sheet of paper . . . " He stops, asks a colleague whether he can name any weaknesses. When pressed about whether his style of leadership sometimes causes him problems, he expresses puzzlement at the question. "Why should it?" Finally he agrees that one weakness is his non-stop ac- tivity. "Without any slight, I can do Argentina in a day and