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L'affaire Pollard
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the court, referred to these in-
terviews and insisted that
they proved that Pollard
would continue to threaten
the security of the United
States.
"Because of the stories I
wrote," Blitzer writes, "some
suggested that I was too sym-
pathetic to a confessed spy.
But others would consider me
one of Pollard's hangmen
because of my disclosures.
Those charges against me,
and the sense of resentment
they built in me, were factors
in drawing me to learn as
much about the case as I
could."
Blitzer succeeds in fleshing
out the picture of Jonathan
Jay Pollard and in cutting
through the simplistic images
that have surrounded the
case.
But still, the imprisoned
spy remains something of an
enigma. In his interviews and
his letters to Blitzer, Pollard
talks in the stilted, self-
justifying tones of the in-
telligent prisoner with lots of
time on his hands; the ra-
tionalization process has
ground away any hint of the
emotions that propelled
Pollard down this strange
path.
Even when his attempts at
exculpation make sense,
Pollard's tone does little to
evoke sympathy in readers.
Blitzer is not exactly an un-
biased observer. Although he
agrees that the costs to Israel
outweighed the benefits, the
Israeli journalist goes to con-
sidei:able lengths to explain
the forces that led Israeli of-
ficials to accept Pollard's over-
tures.
—4
Still, Wolf Blitzer offers the
first in-depth account of
Jonathan Pollard and his
terrible fall, and the first
clear idea of how Pollard's
battered personality and
Israel's relentless needs came
together in a way that shook
the American-Israeli relation-
ship to its core.
"One inescapable conclu-
sion of. the Pollard affair is
that Israel's famous chutzpah
can be a source of weakness
as well as strength," he
writes. "It has enabled Israel
to survive in a very
dangerous part of the world.
Yet it also has engendered a
widely held attitude among
Israeli officials that Israel can
get away with the most out-
rageous things." ❑
—4
I NEWS I
Bush-Hussein Talks
Offer Nothing New
Washington (JTA) — King
Hussein's tepid reaction to
the Israeli proposal for
Palestinian elections in the
administered territories ap-
pears to have dashed hopes of
an imminent breakthrough
in the Middle East peace
process.
The outcome of the Jorda-
nian monarch's visit here last
week also appears to confirm
that the Bush administration
will stick to its policy of mov-
ing step by step to bring
about direct Arab-Israeli
negotiations, rather than pro-
posing a bold new peace
initiative.
The only tangible product of
the Bush administration's
round of meetings with
Israeli Prime Minister Yit-
zhak Shamir, Egyptian Presi-
dent Hosni Mubarak and
Hussein is the Shamir plan.
It calls for Palestinians to
elect representatives who
would negotiate with Israel
the arrangements for an in-
terim period of Palestinian
self-rule in the territories.
After a period of several
years, separate negotiations
would be called to determine
the final status of the West
Bank and Gaza Strip.
President Bush apparently
tried to convince Hussein of
the merits of the Shamir
plan, which the American
leader has endorsed.
"I reiterated my belief that
properly designed and
mutually acceptable elections
could, as an initial step, con-
tribute to a process leading to
negotiations on the final
status of the West Bank and
Gaza," Bush said in the
White House Rose Garden
last week after his meeting
with Hussein.
Hussein, in his statement
after the meeting, did not
mention the elections. Ad-
ministration officials said
Hussein did not reject the
election idea when he told
Bush, "I can assure you that
I fully support you and all
your efforts" in "bringing the
conflict to a just and durable
conclusion."
The Jordanian leader went
a step further Thursday.
"The idea of elections might
be worth looking at within
the context of a whole process
that hopefully will come
together to get us from where
we are now to a final settle-
ment," Hussein told reporters
at the State Department.
-4
"1 ■ 4
—4