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See dealer for details. 10 FRIDAY, APRIL21,1989- • - OPEN MON. & THURS. 711. 9PM rights, it would have rallied Jews behind Hillel. The cam- pus crisis which triggered the solicitation would have been publicized. Arab Jew-hatred would have been exposed, enhancing Arab isolation by demonstrating the distance between Arab attitudes and American values. In this case, political courage would have produced substantial dividends. Pro- perly handled, the ill-fated solicitation letter could have been a means for B'nai B'rith to motivate the Jews, dis- credit the Arabs, and align the pro-Jewish/pro-Israel side with fundamental American values such as free speech. Instead, Arab claims of Jewish "racism" went un- challenged. What should have been a Jewish victory was instead a resounding defeat. B'nai B'rith is not the only Jewish organization practic- ing politics badly. The Jesse Jackson case is instructive. Jackson's hostility to Jews and to Jewish interests is an integral part of his political program, as well as an impor- tant rallying point for many of his political allies. With Jackson's encouragement, state Democratic Party organizations have become forums for attacks against pro-Israel Democrats. Jews who seek party office must downplay their suport for Israel to avoid antagonizing Jackson allies. Yet, Jews could have nipped the Jackson problem in the bud. In 1985, with the Farakahn affair still fresh and the Democratic Party reeling from the Reagan land- slide, Jackson was vulnerable. Evidence of that vulnerabili- ty was the fact that Sen. Joe Biden of Delaware, a man aiming for the 1988 Democratic Party Presiden- tial nomination, stood before a black audience and criticiz- ed Jackson's religious pre- judices and political programs. Any politician seeking the Democratic mantle needed black support, and Jackson was preceived to have a lock on the black vote. Yet, Joe Biden took on Jackson. Biden went after Jackson in 1985 because it appeared that Jackson was on the fringe of American politics. Jews, on the other hand, played a ma- jor role in the Mondale cam- paign, and were perceived to be useful allies. The benefits of attacking Jackson — solidi- fying Jewish support — were thought to outweigh the costs in black votes of such a move. In this climate, and given Jackson's hostility to Jews Jesse Jackson: Winning the non-confrontation. and Jewish interests, the ra- tional thing to do would have been to push him further-and further out into the wilderness, while working to develop better relations with other black political leaders. Inexplicably, instead of in- creasing Jackson's isolation, some Jews actually encourag- ed his rehabilitation. A major Reform organization invited Jackson to speak in an effort to find "common ground!' Jewish Democratic Party regulars . did nothing to punish and isolate Jackson supporters in state and local party organizations. Moreover, instead of going public and strongly suppor- ting Biden when he received political heat for attacking Jackson, the Jewish elite left Biden hanging. Such action failed all tests of political rationality. First, Biden had been a good friend of Israel and the Jews for years. His record alone obigated the elite to rise to his defense. Second, public silence undermined whatever political value it had as an al- ly. With no apparent Jewish benefit to be gained by at- tacking Jackson, no politician would risk the costs of black support that an attack against Jackson might cost. Thus Biden, burned once, never criticized, Jackson again. By 1988, Jackson's anti- Semitic cloud had lifted. Yet, his program had not changed, his political war against Israel and her supporters in- side the Democratic Party continued, and Louis Farakahn even retained ac- cess to his campaign. Even so, when Al Gore and New York's Ed Koch attempted to make Jackson account to the Jews for his record during the New Continued on Page 12 . 1114 111 Imo