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Podhoretz apocalyptically wrote that the end of Israel that would be hastened by a Palestine Liberation Organization state also would mean the end of Jewry — everywhere. In his "message" from the next century, Podhoretz said that Jews were burdened with "shame and self-disgust" because of their complicity with Israel's doom. This undermined their "will to go on as Jews and [was] dragging the glorious history of our an- cient people toward an ig- nominious end." If the majori- ty of U.S. Jews, he said, had been more vocal in opposing the U.S. dialogue with the PLO and its inevitable en- dorsement of a Palestinian state, then "at least we would have emerged with enough pride to carry Jewish ex- istence forward, and enough self-respect to keep a critical- ly wounded people alive." Podhoretz blamed U.S. and Israeli liberals and intellec- tuals for laying the founda- tion for the end of Israel. Dur- ing the first three decades of Israel's existence, he said, its intellectuals, whom Podhoretz equates with socialists, "were remarkable" for "not being alienated." This occurred, he said, because being a socialist in Israel meant "being a member of the establish- ment." But Menachem Begin's ascension to power in 1977 turned these intellectuals in- to a political opposition which "vilified" Israel. They also perceived Sephardic Jews' support of Begin's Likud Par- ty as a coalition between "the forces of political darkness and the forces of cultural bar- barism." These intellectuals, wrote Podhoretz, with the "usual leftist requirements of social compassion," could not say that Israel was unjust because of the way it treated the Sephardim since they backed the prime minister. Instead, said Commentary's editor, that role now was fill- ed by the Palestinians who had been living under Israeli occupation since 1967. Focusing "on the mistreat- ment of the Palestinians," said Podhoretz, gave "greater Norman Podhoretz: Attacks liberals and intellectuals. plausibility to the notion that Israel rather than the Arabs was the main cause of the state of war that still existed between them." This "in- verted" the Israeli/Arab situation into the portrayal of "a struggle between 'a regional superpower' [Israel] and an oppressed people year- ning to be free [the Palesti- nians.]" As a similar "inversion," ac- cording to Podhoretz, was oc- curring in the American left, U.S. Jews "were forced to ex- perience the pains of dual loyalty — not . . . between Israel and America, but bet- ween Israel and liberalism." But the "great majority," which chose Israel, he said, was silent, while "most of the noise" came from the minori- ty that had opted for liberalism. This minority, said Podhoretz, created the impression that American Jewry was evenly divided on Israel. Then the Palestinian in- tifada, claimed Podhoretz, shifted the balance of liberals' sympathy "decisively" to the Palestinians. Yet they still yearned "for the Israelis to do something, anything, that would make Israel look good again in liberal eyes, or at least less bad." Two events undermined this aspiration: The "insistence by nearly all of the most vocal Israeli in-