I INSIGHT I AI PAC Continued from preceding page (fe/yiec& FORMAL LIMOUSINE $9 FOR 4 HOURS Includes Complimentary Champagne 2 7 2 -19 0 0 STRETCH LIMOUSINE $149 FOR 5 HOURS Available in colors white, silver, charcoal & black Includes Complimentary Champagne GOLDENBERG PHOTOGRAPHY presents MURRAY'S PEOPLE We will photograph you in numerous poses and outfit changes. You choose your favorite poses to be made into an exciting Montage of Statues. CALL NOW FOR YOUR APPOINTMENT 350.2420 in Market Street, on Northwestern CANDLE-LIGHTING CEREMONIES For the Times of Your Life Are you having a party that calls for a cake? A Big Birthday, Bar Mitzvah, for your Sweet Sixteen's sake? If you're lighting the candles to honor that day, Let me put it in verse, and I'll write it your way! , RUTH KRANITZ • 350-9741 WE CAN'T RUN ON EMPTY. GIVE BLOOD Announcing the Opening of . The ingga ic e e Offering a Full 20% Discount at all times Located with Knit, Knit, Knit at their new location inside Orchard Mall 855-2772 • Orchard. Mall • West Bloomfield 50 FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1989 11 1111 American Red Cross structure of the organization favors the lay leaders — which, I think, is as it should be. The lay leaders tend to wait until there's a problem they can identify as a 'man- agement problem,' which is supposed to be their area of expertise. Then, heads start to roll!' Another factor in the recent chain of events at AIPAC in- volves a simmering dispute between Bloomfield, the veteran congressional lobby- ist, and Steve Rosen, the ar- chitect of the group's suc- cessful attempts to develop strong ties with the Reagan administration. Officially, Rosen is the group's foreign policy director; in reality, he is the most powerful figure on the AIPAC staff. "What you had were two senior staffers who were locked in a furious struggle over turf and ideology," said one Capitol Hill professional. "They were pulling in oppo- site directions, so it became a genuine management crisis for the AIPAC board, as well as a way for the lay leader- ship to re-assert itself." But it was more than a mat- ter of ambition and clashing personalities; at the root of the dispute were some funda- mental disagreements about lobbying strategy. Bloomfield, the consum- mate Capitol Hill profes- sional, was a strong advocate of congressional lobbying; Rosen is a leading advocate of a more administration-cen- tered approach to influence in government. During the Reagan admini- stration, the balance at AIPAC has shifted dramatic- ally in favor of administration lobbying — at the expense, some say, of its efforts to work inside the more complex en- vironment of Capitol Hill. One result has been a grow- ing perception that AIPAC is tilting towards the Republi- can Party. At AIPAC's annual policy conference last spring, a speech by executive director Tom Dine was widely inter- preted as pro-GOP;—AIPAC's response to the Republican Convention only heightened this impression. During the recent presiden- tial campaign, there were fre- quent reports that AIPAC officials were unofficially but energetically promoting the Bush campaign — especially by emphasizing the growing role of Jesse Jackson in the Democratic party and warn- ing of a possible foreign affairs role for Jackson in a Michael Dukakis administra- tion. And the event that precipi- tated the current confronta- tion over the future of the Near East Report involved efforts by AIPAC board members to force the editor to publish material which the editor deemed overly partisan — in favor of the GOP. AIPAC's pro-Republican leanings are, in a way, natural results of the growing emphasis on administration lobbying. Congressional lob- bying depends on a strict bi- partisanship; a successful lob- byist cannot afford to be too closely associated with the agenda of one party or the other, since most legislation depends on a degree of sup- port from both parties. But lobbyists who focus on the administration are deal- ing with a single party. Worse, they are dealing with loyalists who often demand visible signs of support as the price for access. Some analysts argue that administration lobbying and congressional lobbying are almost mutually exclusive. In the realpolitik of Washington, rigorously bi-partisan lob- byists do not have the same access to the White House as lobbyists who give tangible signs of support to the party- in-power. At the same time, pro-administration partisan- ship can be the kiss of death on the Hill — especially when the administration's party is out of power in Congress. A relatively stable institu- tion, Congress has only a small turnover every election year. Administrations, on the other hand, can change over- night — which is precisely what is happening now that George Bush and his new team are moving into the White House. So administra- tion lobbying is an inherent- ly short-term process, while congressional lobbying de- pends on a long, patient pro- cess. This, distilled to its basics, is one aspect of the feud that led to Bloomfield's recent departure. Bloomfield's abili- ty to work closely with legis- lators of both parties was a major factor in AIPAC's in- fluence on Capitol Hill. But, some congressional sources argue, AIPAC 's growing close- ness to the Republican party was making his job more difficult. At the same time, propo- nents of stronger AIPAC- administration ties reported- ly felt that Bloomfield's in- dependence was undercutting their own efforts, especially their efforts to compromise with the administration on an issue for which AIPAC traditionally accepts no com- promise — arms sales to Arab countries. 4