I ANALYSIS I
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Democracy
FRIDAY, JANUARY 13, 1989
544.1711
22961 Woodward, Ferndale, MI
are precisely the factors
which could contribute most
to an Arab democratic socie-
ty whose interest lies in
developing the present eco-
nomic grid with Israel. There
is no more stable basis for a
political superstructure than
a potent economic substruc-
ture.
Jordan's Hussein under-
stands the degree to which
his former subjects have been
metamorphosized. It is not so
much the mass defection from
his standard that he would
find perturbing as much as
the onerous task of dragging
back into his state a political-
ly conscious populaton who
continues to express its
loathing of him. Nothing is
more politically contagious
than a democratic fever. A
politically active population
so close to the media in Israel
could not be machine-gunned
down as easily as it is in Jor-
dan. It is folly to believe that
he would reannex territories
at the cost of his kingdom.
Hussein senses-. probably
more than the Israelis the
threat to Arab authoritarian
regimes • of a vibrant Arab
democracy constantly inter-
acting with other Arabs.
Arabs are bound to wonder
why they should be deprived
of basic freedoms just because
they are distant from Israel.
Nonetheless, the seeds of
democracy do not a demo-
cracy make. There are those
who think that a Palestinian
Arab plebiscite would allow
for legitimate leaders to
emerge with whom Israel
could negotiate. Although
this might solve the problem
of how to create a legitimate
alternative to the PLO, it is
inadequate as a solution for
Israel on three grounds. It
does not deal sufficiently with
1) the issue of democracy, 2)
the PLO, and 3) the Jews in
Judea and Samaria.
For the long-term goal of
peace, the problem is not on-
ly legitimate Arab Pales-
tinian leadership, but
democratic leadership. The
post-World War II world has
witnessed too many govern-
ments democratically elected
only to have such elected of-
ficials quash the democratic
aspirations of their people. An
instructive exception is the
case of Japan. How did Japan
succeed where so many others
failed?
First, Japan was not al-
lowed to reform itself.
Democratic impulses do not
spring forth from good inten-
tions alone; they must be
carved into both the structure
of the society as well as into
its self-understanding. Under
MacArthur, America imposed
a policy of demilitarization
and democratization to pro-
duce a Japan that would be
less likely to go to war.
It is important to note that
the American occupation did
not stop at political reform. It
sought to reform Japanese
society and the economy in
such a manner as to create
conditions more conducive to
the functioning of democratic
institutions. Realizing how
much of politics flows through
the furrows plowed by social
and economic forces, the
Americans understood well
how much political
rehabilitation had to be
predicated upon socio-
economic reformation. -
The Japanese example is
not only instructive for what
Israel should do in "Paleo-
Judea," but also how it should
handle the PLO. As men-
tioned, the American occupa-
tion prevented those Japan-
ese responsible for the war
The more
Palestinians
seeking to
participate in their
political destiny,
the greater the
chance of
democracy taking
root.
from holding office, but did
not put similar restraints on
Japanese communists. In
other words, the exclusion
was limited to culpable deeds,
not ideas. In the same man-
ner, any Arab who lives in
Paleo-Judea should have the
right to run for office
regardless of the relationship
to the PLO as long as no
felony by civil, not political,
standards had been commit-
ted. The inclusion of PLO
sympathizers is the best way
to domesticate them political-
ly while, at the same time,
giving them a stake in the
success of the outcome. Their
exclusion only serves to in-
crease the PLO's credibility
as the authentic opposition
while giving them a vested
interest in sabotaging any
budding democracy.
Now, why should a Pales-
tinian-pure state be more
tolerant of dissenting Pales-
tinians than Jordan or any
other Arab state is? What
patriot would be happy with
a Palestinian regime that
treats dissenting Palestinians
as Jordan or the PLO does?
Constitutional guarantees for
a Jewish minority would
guarantee the rights of other
minorities. Once a govern-
ment has been forced, to ex-
tend rights to one minority, it