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Prin- ciples, which I had always thought were more important than portfolios and more per- manent than governments, were being auctioned off with dizzying dispatch. It was not a pretty sight. Perhaps I should have been prepared by the campaign for this "anything goes" cyni- cism. Some leftists who asked for my support defined the Likud as fascists. Some rightists described Labor as communists. It was as if we have all forgotten what these terms mean in theory and practice, forgotten the scores of millions massacred in cold blood by these systems. The KGB used to put pris- oners of radically different na- tionalities, background and views, in a tiny cell where we could not make a move with- out touching each other. It is a tactic designed to increase prisoners' frustration and hostility and make them readier candidates for spir- itual destruction. Our only recourse was to try to under- stand each other better, to comprehend why we were all in the same cell and, having understood, to be as tolerant as possible of each other and unite against the common enemy. Here in Israel we are not in a cramped cell, yet it seems that we need a cataclysmic war to concede the common- ality of our destiny. In the absence of war, one of us — a prominent artist — can look at Jews who look like his own great-grandfather, whose beliefs and customs are the very same which preserved us for millenia as a people, and say that he can understand why Jews are hated, how the Holocaust could happen. In- credibly, the earth does not shake under our feet when such horrors are uttered. We take this consuming hatred for those who cling to outmod- ed traditions for granted. We are so inured to self-hatred, so accustomed to our own anti- Semitism, that when it raises its monstrous head there is hardly a ripple. When the prosecutor at my trial in Moscow railed against Israel, he said, "It is a terri- ble place ruled by Shabbat, with its 24 hours of silent mourning." In his diatribe, Shabbat became an all-en- compassing term, conjuring ancient rites, primitive forces born of superstition and ig- norance, medieval relics, the peculiar customs of the "Elders." Unfortunately, many Israelis seem to echo this revulsion. They do not understand the meaning — the reservoir of wisdom, joy, harmony and warmth — that Shabbat holds for their neighbours. They seem to have forgotten that many wonderful "secular" Jewish achievers in sciences, medicine, art and philosophy, of whom we are all justifiably proud, came precisely from these traditions of which they are now so intolerant. And the intolerance is mutual. The stereotype of the The ease with which all the candidates seemed to discard their election promises was disheartening. ultra-Orthodox as a coercive primitive who throws stones at the cars on Shabbat is matched by the image of the secular as a fanatic socialist who kidnaps religious chil- dren, cuts their sidecurls off, and brings them up as athe- ists. After services in Brooklyn on a recent visit, a charedi (ultra-Orthodox) wor- shipper asked me with gleeful derision if it was true that in Moscow Jews drove to syna- gogue on Shabbat. It seems impossible for at least some of the charedim to understand that there can be piousness outside of their own customs, and that the loss of traditions does not always mean the loss of Jewishness. Do they really believe that "the days of the Messiah" can be brought closer by in- tolerance, narrow-minded- ness, political horse-trading, and the promotion of vain hatred among brothers? Do they really feel they can unify the Jewish people by passing political legislation on religious questions which is opposed by a majority of Jews? When I first arrived in Israel I used to laugh at the speculation on whether Avital would force me to wear a kippah. The gossip lost its humour for me when I began to realize it contained disbelief in our ability to live happily together despite our different customs, that its broader implications pointed to a national inability to let love and the many things which unite us transcend our differences.