hood known as Merionette Manor, on Chi- cago's Far South Side — a white, middle- class neighborhood of bungalow tract homes -about 40 percent Catholic, 40 per- cent Jewish, and 20 percent Protestant. They could walk to their temple and to the Jewish Community Center. They had lived there for seven years. The year before the King march, the first black family had moved in to Merionette Manor. The Eb- steins had watched with distaste as an all- white neighborhood bordering theirs had greeted the attempt of blacks to move in with stonings, threats, and fire bombings. The Ebsteins were determined their neigh- borhood was going to be a model for integration. It was wretchedly hot that July 10. The temperature soared to 98 degrees. King's organizers had hoped for 100,000 mar- chers; only 30,000 turned out. As the march moved slowly down State Street, Bernie and Roz carried a banner that declared "American Jewish Congress." They filed into Soldier Field and heard King speak demanding an end to police brutality, an end to job discrimination, and an end to the real estate discrimination practices that made Chicago the most residentially segregated city north of the Mason-Dixon line. Art By Barbara Kiwak religious imperative. Her favorite part of the Passover Seder, the ceremony that commemorates the liberation of the Jews from Egypt, came about halfway through 'the reading of the Haggadah when everyone gathered around the table declared, "In every generation, each Jew must look upon himsef as though he, per- sonally, was among those who went forth from Eypt." That made it clear to Roz where her loyalties lay, and she was the kind of person who fought for what she believed in. In the summer of 1966 — at a time when many liberal Jews were beginning to become disenchanted with the civil rights movement — the Ebsteins were putting on their walking shoes and getting ready to march in downtown Chicago with Martin Luther King. King had arrived in Chicago in January, determined to bring the civil rights movement north. He moved into a slum apartment in the Lawndale ghetto to symbolize his concern for poor blacks and to focus his demands on better housing, better jobs, and better education. Mayor Richard Daley deftly deflected King's at- tempts to call the city to account. On June 6, James Meredith was shot and wounded as he tried to walk across Mississippi. King flew down South to join a march led by Stokely Carmichael, the newly elected chairman of SNCC, and others to protest the shooting. It was dur- ing this march that Carmichael turned to a crowd in Greenwood, Mississippi, raised a clenched fist, and shouted: "The only way we gonna stop them white men from whup- pin' us is to take over. We been saying freedom for six years and we ain't got nothin. What we gonna start saying now is Black Power!" King tried to get Car- michael to stop using those words, but the phrase caught on like a grass fire. King's Chicago march, called for Sunday, July 10 — "Freedom Sunday!" — was an attempt to reinvigorate the Chicago campaign and regain control of a civil rights movement that was starting to slip from King's influence. The Ebsteins lived in a small wood-and- brick duplex house in a small neighbor- nlike the South, which segre- gated blacks by law, Chicago segregated them by a combi- nation of private artifice, political maneuvering, and vio- lence. Reinforcing these bureaucratic and financial barriers to open housing was steady violence that echoed like a drumbeat through Chicago's tight-knit ethnic neighborhoods whenever blacks had the audacity to move in. Throughout the late 1950s, vigilantes threatened and firebombed a small group of black families living in the Trumbull Park Homes, a public housing development that had become "accidentally" integrated when a light-skinned black family moved in. Hemmed in by violence and homeowners who refused to sell to them, blacks followed the path of least resistance. That path was Chicago's Jewish neighborhoods. Chicago's Jews did not firebomb houses or chase blacks down the street when they moved into "their" previously all-white neighborhood. Nor did Jews in Chicago have the clout at City Hall to turn streets around or guarantee that public housing would not be put in their neighborhood. When blacks moved into Jewish areas, the Jews simply moved out. One writer coined a term for the Jewish response: broygez. "In our distaste for violence we differ hardly at all from our grandparents," wrote Milton Himmelfarb in Commentary in 1966. "When they were displeased they did not hit, they acted broygez [Yiddish: `offended' or 'sulky]: they did not speak to the person who had offended them, they THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS 25