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In The
New Orleans Mall
10 Mile & Greenfield
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Fri. 10-9
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a backdrop of Administration
opposition.
Like so many issues in
Washington, the PLO ques-
tion was maddeningly multi-
layered. The Administration
insisted that any move to
shut down the PLO would
have international repercus-
sions — especially any at-
tempt to shut down the New
York office, which was at-
tached to the PLO's U.N.
observer mission. Their con-
cerns were echoed by civil
liberties groups, who argued
that the measures would
limit the right of American
citizens to speak out in favor
of an unpopular cause.
Complicating matters fur-
ther was the fact that the
issue dovetailed with the
growing squabble between
Congress and the White
House over the proper role of
each in the setting of foreign
policy.
In September, after months
of rumors, the State Depart-
ment acted administratively
to shut down only the Wash-
ington office. The action came
after an unofficial com-
promise with leaders of major
Jewish groups. Presumably,
that settled the issue of the
PLO offices once and for all.
But the issue wouldn't go
away. By year's end, the
measure to close both offices,
now an amendment to the
State Department authoriza-
tion bill, was signed by the
President. But the final
chapter has not been written;
there are indications now
that the President will delay
enforcement of the measure,
and go back to Congress to try
to win a reversal of the action.
In other legislative news,
the so-called "yarmulke"
measure — an amendment
that would require the mili-
tary to allow "neat and ap-
propriate religious garb"—
survived several legislative
sneak attacks, and was
signed into law The "hate
crimes" bill, originally spon-
sored by Rep. Dan Glickman
(D-Kan.) is still making its
way through Congress. Pass-
ed by the House, it now is
awaiting action by the Senate
Judiciary Committee. The
bill would make it a federal
crime to engage in certain
kinds of religious vandalism,
or to commit violence in
preventing the exercise of a
person's religious liberties. A
companion piece of legisla-
tion, designed to gather
statistics about such crimes,
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"Herb's Reliable Service"
is currently stalled in the
House.
One reason for the slow
progress of many bills was the
wrangle over a successor to
retired Supreme Court Jus-
tice Lewis Powell. President
Reagan's first nominee, Judge
Robert Bork, ran afoul of
many Jewish groups because
of his outspoken espousal of
the ultra-conservative social
agenda. Bork's position on
school prayer, especially, wor-
ried a number of Jewish
leaders.
American Jews were a key
part of a broad coalition op-
posing the nomination. Even-
tually, Bork withdrew. The
president's next attempt to
fill the post was, according to
some analysts, based in part
on a "Jewish strategy" de-
signed to blunt opposition
from the groups that had con-
tributed to the Bork defeat.
Douglas Ginsburg, a Jew
himself, was alleged to be
more conservative even than
Bork.
But the Jewish strategy
never had a chance to
blossom; a National Public
Radio reporter uncovered a
history of marijuana use in
the nominee's closet, and the
nomination quickly became
another footnote to a peculiar
year.
Scandal claimed major vic-
tims in big-league politics, as
well, including presidential
candidates Joe Biden, who
was widely assumed to be the
frontrunner among Jewish
Democrats, and former Sen.
Gary Hart, who dared the
press to investigate his love
life, which they did. But the
Hart story wasn't over yet;
several weeks ago, Hart
stunned the political world by
announcing his reentry into
the fray, in what one cam-
paign worker for another can-
didate called "Hart's
Chanukah gift to the Repub-
licans."
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