NEWS MOVING? Arab Summit May Show Assad's Power Slipping HELEN DAVIS Jerusalem Correspondent erusalem — The last time King Hussein of Jordan hosted an Arab summit in his tiny kingdom (pop: 2.1 million), President Hafez Assad of Syria stole the limelight by staying away. In- deed, the Syrian leader not only boycotted the meeting but dramatized his displea- sure by massing his troops menacingly on the Jordanian border. At that time — November 1980 — Assad was at odds with his Arab brothers on two central issues: he supported the year-old Soviet interven- tion in Afghanistan and he supported non-Arab Iran in its two-month-old war with Iraq. His brinkmanship served not only to humiliate the Jor- danian monarch in what should have been his proudest hour, but also, for the first time, to demonstrate his power of veto over Jordan and the rest of the moderate Arab world. Now, the Syrian leader looks set to inflict yet another humiliation on Hussein and to once more emphasize his veto power. For when the leaders of the Arab world gather in Amman this week- end (November 8), Assad will again be the center of attention. This time, though, the Syrian leader will make the journey to Amman — a journey that has been lubricated by Iranian oil, Saudi money and Soviet prodding. He will still be the sole Arab supporter of non-Arab Iran in its war against Iraq. But now he will also be the major opponent of Egypt's readmission to the Arab ranks and he will seek to plant the obstacle on which Hussein will stumble on the road to a settlement with Israel. The Arab leaders were sum- moned to Amman by Hussein a key political supporter of Iraq in the Gulf War — with the sole intention of present- ing a united Arab front to condemn Iran and push for an 'end to the conflict. Assad will cast his first veto at the first sight of any resolu- tion that strongly denounces Iran — and, by implication, Syria itself. He will cast his second veto j Assad: opposed to peace talks and restoring Egypt to the heart of the Arab fold. if attempts are made to for- mally restore Egypt to the heart of the Arab fold and end its official isolation — a punishment for its unilateral peace treaty with Israel in 1979. And he has insisted that the agenda be broadened to include a debate on the sub- ject of an international peace conference, by which he means to block Hussein's ef- forts to strike a deal with Israel. The Syrian leader will prob- ably have his way, at least in public. Arab summits, after all, are nothing if they are not demonstrations of unity, and no resolution will be passed unless it enjoys the support of all participants. But while the Arab leaders at the Amman summit might, in the interests of uni- ty, accommodate the sen- sitivities of the "Lion of Damascus," they might also find that some of his teeth have been drawn. Assad does indeed still hold some important blocking cards in terms of the Arab- Israeli conflict and the Gulf War, but are they neither as critical nor as potent as they once were. Beset by endemic political problems and an escalating economic crisis, he was this week moved to sack his prime minister and orchestrate a major reorganization of his regime, if only to produce a sacrificial lamb and to demonstrate his earnest in- tent in dealing with his coun- try's crippled economy. In addition, he is now feel- ing the chilly breeze of rapid- ly changing -conditions abroad — changes over which he has no control but which are nevertheless having a serious effect both on his posi- tion within the Arab world and on his relationship with his closest superpower ally, the Soviet Union. For a start, his alliance with the Iranian mullahs un- til very recently gave Syria a pivotal role as the conduit through which other Arab leaders — and Western states — communicated with the regime in Teheran. Since the internationaliza- tion of the Gulf War, however, with both the Soviet Union and the United States taking a close and active interest in its progress, Syria has lost its monopoly on the link with Iran and its importance in the Arab world has been conse- quently diminished. On the question of an Arab- Israeli settlement, Assad may object to Jordan's secret deal with Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres over an inter- national conference, but this will have little more than rhetorical effect. It is widely accepted that the peace pro- cess has stalled and that any fresh initiatives will have to come from the superpowers. "Besides," said one observer, "whatever pro- nouncements are made at the summit, Hussein will be back talking to the Israelis next day." Also in the Middle East arena, Assad's objections might ensure Egypt's con- tinued official isolation from the Arab world, but according to observers, a host of Arab states are lining up to restore diplomatic relations with Cairo, whatever the summit does or does not decree. Jordan has already done so, and it is thought likely that Algeria, Morocco, Iraq (which has recently received impor- tant military assistance from Egypt) and other smaller Gulf states are not far behind. "It's just a matter of tactics, timing and circumstances before Egypt is legitimized again," said one observer. "Arab nervousness about Iran has reached such levels that many of the moderate states are now prepared to flout the Arab League's embargo on recognition of Egypt." Assad is also feeling the aftershock of the new regime in Moscow, where he was treated to a public lecture by Soviet leader Mikhail Gor- bachev. To ensure uninterrupted service, please take a few moments to fill in your new ad- dress. 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