PASSPORT PHOTOS COLOR — B & WI-tgr, YOU WAITI • IMMIGRATION • VISA • LICENSE • APPLICATION 7030j chemical warfare experts, has been heavily involved in the manufacture of these deadly weapons, primarily at its huge chemical plant at Samarra, which is capable of producing more than a thousand tons of chemicals a year. One weapons expert for a pro-Israel group here said that the Iraq example points up some of the difficulties in restricting the proliferation of these weapons. "The Iraqis in- sist that the plant produces fer- tilizer," he says. "We know that the volume of chemical manufactured there does not jibe with that use — but it is also true that a country like Iraq would have legitimate uses for these precursor chemicals. We also have to be•concerned about the way friendly nations can shift these chemicals around among themselves. So a load of chemicals originally supplied to another country may end up in Syria." The Syrians, as well as the Iraqis, are heavily involved in the production of several kinds of chemical agents, including mustard gas and nerve gas. A single warhead filled with nerve gas can kill everyone within a 25 square kilometer area. And, more ominously, the systems designed to deliver these substances are becoming more powerful and more sophisticated. Already, the population centers of Israel are all within the range of Syrian rockets that can be fitted with chemical warheads. In a few years, Israel's cities will be en- dangered by intermediate range missiles owned by coun- tries like Libya. Sources in Washington familiar with the chemical war- fare issue express frustration about two points. In the rush of news about the Middle East, the increasing threat of chemical, biological, and nuclear technologies is receiv- ing scant attention within the administration, in Congress, or in the media, they say. This ap- parent lack of interest con- tinues despite the escalating tensions in the Persian Gulf — and the fact that, according to a United Nations investigation, Iraq has already used lethal gases in its war with Iran. "It is an under-reported issue," said a weapons analyst for a pro-Israel group here. "I think that's slowly changing. But frankly, it just hasn't been one of our top priorities:' There is also frustration with the fact that it is very difficult to prove that a nation is stockpiling chemical weapons, since the industrial processes that create them are so similar to those used for non-military chemicals such as pesticides. LEO KNIGHT PHOTOGRAPHY SINGLE PREMIUM DEFERRED ANNUITIES Why? 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This information, attributed to "informed sources and notes of meetings," was not mention- ed by any of the witnesses to the Iran/Contra Congressional hearings, but was reportedly known to all the top national security officials, according to the Post's sources and State Department notes reviewed by the Iran/Contra panels. According to the notes, on Sept. 17, 1985, "possible military activities" were discussed by then-national security adviser Robert McFarlane at a meeting with Secretary of State George Shultz, Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger and then- CIA director William Casey. McFarlane made no mention of the Israeli shipment of 508 TOW ant-tank missiles to Iran at the meeting, according to the notes, only saying that following the release of the Rev Benjamin Weir, the hostage releases were "not going anywhere." The Post writes that "a source close to McFarlane. . . said the former national securi- ty adviser has no recollection of the meeting," and that "a source familiar with the notes said McFarlane's reference was to the possible rescue attempt?' The article states that the joint operation was designed to locate and rescue any American hostages who had not been freed by the shipment of TOWs. Only Weir was released, on Sept. 14, 1985, by pro-Iranian extremists in Lebanon after the delivery of the TOWs. The article states that the rescue never took place because , the U.S:Israeli team in Beirut could not locate the other hostages through the move- ments of Weir's captors at that time. 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