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Arye Eliav, a veteran Israeli politician who resides on the far left of the Labor Party, pro- vided a graphic description of what might be in store for the Middle East in his book Land of the Hart: "lithe Arabs ever _ succeed in bringing Israel to the brink of annihilation," he wrote, "they will also be annihilated. "Not a vestige or trace will remain of the entire region and its inhabitants. Neither Jews nor Arabs. There will be no victors or vanquished. On- ly dust and total destruction will remain. "Is this what the Arabs are dreaming of? Do they unders- tand that in the technological race towards resolving the conflict by force, they have missed the train?" What, ultimately, is more important than whether or not Israel has the bomb is whether its enemies believe it has the bomb. There is a strong body of opinion — from all sides of the Israeli political spec- trum —which advocates a continuation of the policy of ambiguity on the subject of Israel's nuclear potential. Said Shimon Peres, leader of Israel's Labor Party: "I know that the Arabs suspect us. I know that this suspicion is a deterrent force. Why - should we dissipate that suspicion? Why should we resolve it?" Prof. Ne'eman, who represents the political polar opposite, also favors a con- tinuation of the current vagueness: "All the reasons which are given for not sup- plying the Arabs with these weapons will disappear the moment Israel knowingly and openly relies on nuclear weapons. "If Israel has it," he told Israel Army Radio, "then of course the Arabs will have to have it as well?' Does Israel have the bomb? The jury is still out — and it will remain out until Israel provides a definitive answer to the question and permits international inspections of its facilities. Israeli leaders are, mean- while, unlikely to oblige a curious world with either a definitive answer or an open- house at Dimona. Derojanjuk Undaunted By Alibi's Collapse Jerusalem (JTA) — John Demjanjuk, into his second week of testimony in his own defense, is plainly not going to be broken by the prosecu- tion in one sudden collapse of his alibi. On Tuesday, Judge Dov Levin gravely and repeatedly warned Demjanjuk that he was undertaking a "grave responsibility" by not giving direct answers to the prosecutor. The questions, though seemingly technical, were key to his wartime alibi. They focused on his admittedly false entries on his U.S. im- migration application, sub- mitted at a displaced persons camp after World War II. The defendant had written that he spent the war years as a farmer in Poland in the village of Sobibor. Questioned about the ac- tual process of filling out that form, Demjanjuk seemed to be avoiding answering, incur- ring Levin's wrath. "We will take that into account," Levin thundered. Demjanjuk says he lied to Americans in order to avoid being repatriated to the USSR. The prosecution says he lied to hide in order to con- ceal his true identity — Ivan the Terrible, butcher of Treblinka. Demjanjuk's lie may have been understandable in the circumstances, Prosecutor Michael Shaked conceded, but why did he choose the town Sobibor as his false residence in Poland? Why not choose a place' he claims to have been familiar with, such as Rowno, the POW camp in Poland where he spent two weeks, or Chelm, where he claims to have been imprison- ed 18 months? Contradicting his previous testimony, Demjanjuk does not now claim that Sobibor was a misspelling of his U.S. immigration form, and that the town in fact chosen was Sambor.