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of Abu Nidal, that he might.
In fact, though, he probably
will not.
Observers note that Assad
has used terrorism — against
Arab as well as European and
Israeli enemies — as a highly
effective instrument of
diplomacy ever since he came
to power 17 years ago.
He has, to be sure, pulled
his horns in since the United
States bombing of Libya and
the subsequent outcry over
the attempted bombing of an
Israeli passenger airliner in
London, which was traced
directly to high Syrian in-
telligence officials. Sources in
Israel, however, believe that
once the storm has passed
and he has been rehabilitated
in Western eyes, Assad will
return to the European
theater, taking even greater
pains to cover his tracks.
On the subject of the inter-
national peace conference,
observers describe Assad as
being a more shrewd version
of Israeli Prime Minister Yit-
zhak Shamir.
While Shamir resolutely
proclaims his opposition to
any form of international
peace conference, Assad, who
is equally opposed (for quite
different reasons, of course)
nonetheless makes small, en-
couraging noises implying
that he might, perhaps, given
the right circumstances, be
persuaded to come to the par-
ty. Thus, on the issue of the
international peace con-
'ference, Assad is able, but will
_ almost certainly prove to be
unwilling.
There is one issue, however,
over which the Syrian leader
is undoubtedly willing, but
apparently unable, to deliver:
Western hostages who are be-
ing held by pro-Iranian
Islamic fundamentalists in
Lebanon. "If he was able to
win their release," a senior
Israeli source said, "he would
gain direct access to Ameri-
can public opinion — the
rewards could be enormous."
Indeed, one reason that
senior United States and
European officials are
beating a path to his door is
the expectation that, as the
dominant power in Lebanon
and as an ally of Iran, he
might exercise some in-
fluence over the kidnappers
and win the release of the
hostages.
In this area, however, the
Syrian leader appears to be
impotent. Short of moving his
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