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38
Friday, June 26, 1987
'novo Israeli Plans For
Inching Toward Peace
CANCER
SOCIETY •
855-6577
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444is
OBSERVATIONS
THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS
b4
VICTOR M. BIENSTOCK
Special to The Jewish News
T
wenty years after the
Six-Day War, there is
movement toward an
Arab-Israeli peace settlement.
Divisions within Israel,
however, and Arab irresolution,
as displayed by King Hussein,
have doomed hopes for face-to-
face Arab-Israeli negotiations
under the umbrella of an
international conference on the
Middle East.
While Israel's Labor Party
leader Shimon Peres continues
to fight against mounting odds
to convene a Middle East peace
conference, proposals for other
possible avenues to peace are
being revived and reconsidered.
One of these is a plan devised
by the late Moshe Dayan nearly
a decade ago, which is still
feasible today.
As prime minister and now as
foreign minister, Peres has
brought the international con=
ference concept nearer to
realization than ever before, but
he has not yet fully convinced
a substantial majority of
Israelis that Israel could escape
a solution imposed by a U.N.
Security Council-sponsored
conference in which the Soviet
Union and the Arab states are
participants.
Out-maneuvered politically
on the home front by Prime
Minister Yitzhak Shamir, who
is adamantly opposed to the
conference concept and to any
territorial concessions by
Israel, Peres cannot even take
his case to the people in
Knesset elections. Even were
he and the Labor Alignment to
resign from the government, a
Shamir-led Likud religious bloc
alliance would preserve a
government majority and
prevent new elections.
"When Shimon Peres moved
forward on the international
conference," explains Israeli
defense expert, Hersh
Goodman, "he put all the pieces
in place, with one major
exception: his prime minister.
Out of arrogance, naivete, or
Peres
ineptitude,
Yitzhak
underestimated
Shamir. Peres not only was
unable to achieve Cabinet
support for his propoal,"
Goodman, currently a visiting
fellow at the Washington
Institute for Near East Policy,
writes in The New Republic,
"he also failed to force the issue
on the Israeli electorate and as
a result, totally , failed his
allies."
Goodman stresses the need
for Israel, the United States
and Jordan to act to generate
some interim measures to keep
the hope for peace alive. He
wants Peres to improve the
political climate in Israel;
Jordan's King Hussein to
strengthen his power base on
the West Bank and Gaza; and
the Americans to provide the
reluctant monarch with the
means to do this. At the same
time, he proposes serious work
to create a "pragmatic, bona
fide Palestinian leadership to
replace Yassir Arafat's PLO as
the only voice of the
Palestinians."
The mechanism, he suggests,
is internationally guaranteed
elections for the 1.3 million
Palestinians who live on the
West Bank and Gaza. Goodman
believes there is an echelon of
acceptable Palestinians —
"loyal to the PLO but . . . dis-
appointed and frustrated by the
failures of Arafat's armed
struggle" — who would stand
in such elections but who would
Peres put all the
pieces in place
with one major
exception: his
prime minister.
never agree to run on an
Israeli-Jordanian-Egyptian-
American ticket. "They would
be prepared to represent their
own people if elected by their
own people!'
Such an election, Goodman
feels, "would begin to arrest the
frustration, violence and hatred
that have overtaken the lives of
Jew and Palestinian alike in
Israel!'
Israel's greatest difficulty in
seeking to make peace with its
neighbors and in settling the
vexing Palestinian problem has
been its inability to find Arab
leaders with whom to talk — in
large part because an
indication by an Arab leader of
readiness to negotiate with the
Israelis has been tantamount to
a sentence of death at the
hands of PLO gunmen.
The late Moshe Dayan, one of
the few Israeli leaders fluent in
Arabic, versed in Arabic cus-
toms and entirely at ease in the
homes of Arab village mukh-
tars which he frequently
visited, evolved a policy for
freeing Israel of the incubus of
the Palestinian problem soon
after it was created by Israel's
territorial conquests in the
1967 war. He elaborated on his
idea in an interview with David
K. Shipler of The New York
Times in October, 1979.
What made his plan extreme-
ly practicable then, and even
more so today, is that it would
require only unilateral imple-
mentation by Israel. It elimi-
nates the confrontational factor
on the West Bank; it does not