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Moshe Dayan's Mixed
Legacy Still Remains
SIMON GRUVER
Special to The Jewish News
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THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS
ive
years after his
death, Moshe Dayan
remains a figure who
arouses passions. To some he
was the swashbuckling hero
who brought swift victory in
the Six-Day War, while to
others he was a turncoat who
treacherously legitimized the
Likud by changing parties
after the 1977 election. To
some he was a romantic hero
who epitomized the bravery of
the modern sabra, while to
others he was an irresponsible
womanizer.
Moshe Dayan's influence
over issues of war and peace
remains monumental. As chief
of staff in the early 1950s he
built the IDF into a modern
fighting force and led it to vic-
tory in the 1956 Sinai Cam-
paign. As defense minister in
1967 he participated in the
stunning successes of the Six-
Day War and, in the public eye,
became the main hero. Though
defense minister during the
Yom Kippur War of 1973, the
Agranat Commission of In-
quiry cleared Dayan of respon-
sibility for initial losses during
that war. Nevertheless, his
reputation suffered enor-
mously as a consequence and
marked the beginning of his
decline and eventual resigna-
tion.
But Dayan was as much a
peacemaker and statesman as
a soldier. He met with Jordan's
Emir Abdullah and helped
negotiate the armistice after
the War of Independence. He
conceived the policy of an open
border with Jordan after 1967
and, most important, as
foreign minister in Menachem
Begin's government (which he
joined after leaving his own
party), he was one of the ar-
chitects of the Camp David
Peace Accords with Egypt.
For much of world Jewry and
supporters of Israel, Dayan
symbolized the sabra or native
Israeli. Born in 1915 on De-
gania, the first kibbutz, he
grew up on Nahalal, the first
moshay. His father, Shmuel
Dayan, was a Knesset member
and a leader of the moshav
movement, and his mother was
a popular and forceful figure in
the Socialist-Zionist move-
ment.
Moshe Dayan was endowed
with a fierce individualism and
independen6e that often
alienated him from Israel's es-
tablishment. After the War of
Independence the IDF was
made up of officers who had
joined the British army and
those who had fought in the
Palmach.
Dayan antagonized them
Moshe Dayan: still a symbol
of the sabra.
both. He despised British spit
and polish and when he was
commander of Jerusalem in
1949 he dismissed his aide-de-
camp for persistently saluting
and taking too much care over
his dress. On the other hand he
felt that Palmach veterans had
injected a form of elitism into
the IDF that was harmful and
nationally divisive. Indeed,
Dayan's particular talents
might never have shone
through if it were not for the
fact that Ben-Gurion saw him
as a kindred spirit and fellow
maverick.
It was Ben-Gurion who in-
sisted that Dayan become chief
of staff, ensured that he be
elected to the Knesset in 1959
and appointed him minister of
agriculture. In his five years in
that ministry, Dayan char-
acteristically performed the
unexpected. A child of the set-
tlement movement, the ag-
ricultural establishment ex-
pected Dayan to favor their
cause. But at cabinet sessions
Dayan would insist that more
money was needed for indus-
trial growth, while agriculture
had limited potential.
In 1965 Dayan followed, al-
beit reluctantly, his mentor
Ben-Gurion when he split from
the Mapai (Labor) party and
formed his own Rafi list to-
gether with others of his
closest supporters such as
Shimon Peres, Yitzhak Navon
and Teddy Kollek. The split
was repaired before the Six-
Day War of 1967 when na-
tional unity became the press-
ing priority.
It was during this period
that Dayan's popularity in Is-
rael became apparent. As
Egyptian President Gamal
Abdel Nasser threatened Is-
rael in May 1967, there was an
irresistible groundswell of
opinion that Dayan be ap-