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118 x 84
83 . . 6. .
SERIES 200 SERIES 300 SERIES 500 SERIES 488
Retail 0CM. Retail GCU Retail
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36 „
48 „
62"
62
72 „
15.96
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20.44
22.12
23.80
22.40
24.64
26.60
28.56
27.62
30.52
33.04
35.84
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32"
36"
40"
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29.66
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34.95
37.59
31.97
34.88
37.78
41.01
34.28
37.45
40.62
43.78
38.46
42.02
45.56
49.13
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49.35
53.26
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18
Friday, May 22, 1987
THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS
Ca
stetC a rd.
851-1125
Shimon Peres
Continued from Page 1
formidable. During his 25
months as prime minister, he
had pulled Israel's economy
back from the brink, extricated
the army from Lebanon and
had restored Israel's interna-
tional reputation as a
moderate, peace-seeking na-
tion. He had, moreover, toned
down the overheated domestic
political climate, the triumphal
populism that had characteriz-
ed the previous seven years of
Likud rule, mostly under
Menachem Begin, and he had
restored a calm, measured ap-
proach to the central issues on
Israel's political agenda -
economics, security and
diplomacy.
Drawing about him the
mantle of statesman, he was
feted abroad and lionized at
home. Even in Likud
strongholds, where once he
was jeered and pelted with
tomatoes, the open displays
of admiration caused him
acute embarrassment.
"Sometimes when they
smother me with love I simp-
ly don't know what to do," he
said at the time. "It warms
the heart, but I'm not used to
it."
Coping with public adula-
tion, though, is not one of the
problems facing Shimon
Peres today. And, ironically,
his fall from grace has come
at precisely the moment of
his greatest triumph. Last
week, Peres presented Israel's
10-member national unity
cabinet with the fruits of that
triumph: an accord which he
had concluded with King
Hussein of Jordan after two
years of secret negotiations
which laid out the ground-
rules for resolving the
40-year-old Arab-Israeli
conflict.
The Jordanian monarch
had insisted that an interna-
tional conference must serve
as a framework for direct
negotiations in order to con-
fer legitimacy, in the eyes of
the Arab world, on any conse-
quent political settlement.
And Peres, knowing that his
Likud coalition partners were
firmly opposed to such a con-
ference, warned that unless
the cabinet - consisting
equally of Likud and Labor
ministers-failed to endorse
the accord, he would resign
from the coalition and bring
down the government.
If they could not overcome
their inhibitions, he declared
boldly, if the national unity
coalition demonstrated that
it was not wholly committed
to seeking peace, he could see
no point in his own continued
participation in the govern-
ment. But when the chips
were down, as they were last
week, Peres found that not
only was he unable to win
cabinet support for the ac-
cord, but he was also unable
to muster a parliamentary
majority to bring down the
government. For when Peres
set out to woo the small,
marginal parliamentary par-
ties which hold the balance of
power between the major
blocs, he found to his dismay
that Shamir had been there
already.
The Likud leader had,
moreover, won the critical two
or three votes (with ex-
travagant promises of cabinet
seats, special-interest legisla-
tion and safe seats in the next
election) to deny Peres a ma-
jority on the floor of the
Knesset.
The Labor leader was left
with two stark options: he
could stand on his principles,
walk out of the coalition and
join the opposition, leaving
Shamir to run an uncertain
minority administration; or
he could swallow his pride -
and his principles - and re-
main in the government.
Peres chose to stick to his
cabinet seat; to stay on in a
government that had turned
its back on what he con-
sidered the crowning achieve-
ment of his political life.
The Likud Party leader
might have put Peres out of
his misery by simply firing
him as Foreign Minister, but
Shamir, who has spent much
of his life in the shadowy up-
per reaches of Israeli in-
telligence, is much too a wily
an operator. He chose not to
relieve his Foreign Minister of
his predicament; instead, he
left Peres, now impotent and
humiliated, to swing slowly,
slowly in the wind. While
Peres justified his decision to
stay on by insisting that he
would use his position to ad-
vance the peace process
(which Shamir has declared
to be clinically dead), it was
an option that is regarded as
being far from honorable -
or even politically expedient.
Most damaging of all,
however, is that it has raised
all the old questions, opened
up all the old doubts and
brought the issue of his
credibility surging to the sur-
face once again. In a desper-
ate bid to win back some of
his lost ground, to keep alive
the momentum of the falter-
ing peace process and, most
important, to save his own
political skin, Peres embarked
on a desperate odyssey to the
United States last weekend.
If he could persuade Secre-
tary of States Shultz to be
more forthcoming, more en-
thusiastic, more insistent in
his endorsement of the ac-
cord, perhaps, after all, he
might salvage some of his tat-
Continued on Page 20