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In it he quotes the opinion of Richard Crossman, the British parliamentarian who for many years was a close friend of Weizmann and one of the most important Christian supporters of the Zionist cause. Prof. Rose thus defined the character and leadership of Weizmann: Whether Wiezmann actu- ally believed that the Frac- tion had a future we do not know. For its failure he blamed his colleagues, 'the "activists," ', who 'were as- leep when they should have been in the vanguard.' He was striking out at Herzl, yet he knew he possessed no trump cards to play. So did Herzl. 'I am not over-sensitive toward a rea- sonable opposition,' he ob- served, 'neither do I want songs of praise sung to me,' but in no uncertain terms he condemned the Fraction of its divisive conduct. This, if persisted in, he countered, would ruin the movement. As for Weizmann, 'I regard you ... as a person who has been temporarily misled, but nevertheless a useful force who will once more find his way back and pro- ceed along the right road together with all of us.' This was a condescending pat on the head to Weizmann, who had marshalled his facts admirably and presented his case with force and con- viction. But Herzl's re- sponse accurately reflected the status of the Fraction in Zionist politics, as Weiz- mann knew only too well. Still, the Fraction was highly significant for Weiz- mann's education as a politician. It raised him to the position of a leader, al- beit of only a marginal pressure-group, whose word was listened to and whose advice was sought. It also gave him his first taste of the bitter-sweet concoc- tion of authority and frus- tration inherent in leader- ship (more frustration than authority during these early years). He possessed a majestic vision and never doubted that his path was correct. While others vacil- lated, he plunged on im- patiently, relentlessly, anx- ious to complete the task in hand but already perceiv- ing the difficulties ahead. When events moved smoothly in his direction, he exuded an infectious op- timism. His spirit soared: `Am on fire. Full of hope.' Thus buoyed up, he would bring to bear the full meas- ure of his eloquence, his persuasiveness, his magne- tic charm. Few could stand up to him when in full flight. If thwarted, however, he re- vealed less attractive facets of his nature: self- pity, pes- simism, arrogance, pride, vindictiveness, pettiness. He would lash out at his op- ponents or his colleagues who failed to keep up with his pace. There was in him, as Richard Crossman has acutely noted, a 'combina- tion of intellectual maturity and emotional instability.' He never succeeded entirely in ridding himself of this failing, although in later years he managed to control it more effectively. Nevertheless, he bent the Fraction to his will. He dominated its office in Geneva. (Of course, its organizational weakness worked to his benefit.) This was how he worked best, and would continue to do so in the future, in an intimate circle which he could domi- nate and in which he could infuse associates with energy, confidence and enthusiasm. He was always more at ease in an environ- ment he could control than in a multilayered political organization. The Zionist leadership regarded him as no more than a 'gadfly'. He did not yet possess the authority, the aura, that springs from success — but his qualities and potential were becoming more widely recognized. During the summer of 1903 Weizmatui's mood was grim. Apart from the dread- ful state of Zionism, he was nearing a crossroad in his personal life. Geneva no longer promised certain professional advancement. His professor, Karl Graebe, was retiring, and with him went his assistants. Weiz- mann would have to look elsewhere to pursue his sci- entific career; and this im- pinged upon his relations with Vera, who had not yet completed her medical studies in Geneva. But the real cause for his depres- sion lay in his own sense of personal failure. All his plans to revitalize the movement had miscarried. The Fraction was in disar- ray, and however much he lambasted his associates he could not shirk his share of the responsibility. His last propaganda tour in Russia had ended miserably. The university project had foundered; Der Jude had failed to appear. It was one long procession of setbacks. Giving vent to his emotions, he blamed 'the disgusting swindle of philanthropic