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North Park Place . . , Your kind of place. swimming pool • tennis court • party room • exercise room • valet parking available . • TV screening to lobby 3 bedroom apartments from $615/month Phone: 559-4588 weekdays 9am-5pm Sat. 10 am-2 pm A limited number of furnished executive apartments available. ,10 20 Friday, July 11, 1986 BEW ER-LEWISTON-SMITH MAI TY x *Ix KWH /N THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS ANALYSIS Call For An Appointment INTERIOR DESIGN • 2 and f Mubarak Continued from Page 1 feet, Jabber predicts in the summer issue of Foreign Affairs, the council's authoritative jour- nal on foreign affairs. It would severely • test the special Egyptian-American relationship that has existed over the past decade. "Without careful and atten- tive management by both Con- gress and the Administration," he asserts, "this relationship could be entirely swept away, destroying in the process, a keystone of U.S. policy in the Middle East. Given the cen- trality of Egypt to the politics of the region," he points out, "the consequences would seriously damage U.S. interests in the Arab-Israeli arena, North Africa and the Persian Gulf." Egypt's crisis has been long in the making and has been com- pounded over the last 20 years by heavy military spending and runaway population growth. It has been deferred • by sharp in- creases in foreign exchange revenues from 1975 to 1984, U.S. aid, remittances from ex- patriate workers, capital inflows from oil-rich Arab neighbors, Egypt's own oil exports and tourism. But the collapse of the world oil market hit Egypt hard as did the sharp reduction in - tourism because of Arab terrorist activi- ties. As a result, Egypt's foreign exchange revenue was expected to drop from 49.6 billion in 1985 to $6.6 billion in 1986. The limited economic reforms insti- tuted by the Mubarak regime to reduce the budget deficit and cut the export-import gap pro- ved "woefully inadequate," Jab- ber says. "As the economic crisis forces the government to institute tougher belt-tightening meas ures," he warns, "the stage is set for a social and political eruption of a magnitude to threaten the regime. This, in turn, will severely strain the special relationship with the United States. "In the minds of Egyptians," says Jabber, "their socio- economic crisis is inescapably bound up with the question of peace with Israel and the tight U.S. embrace. The late President Anwar al-Sadat had sold his Open Door and Camp David policies to the public as avenues to a new era of prosper- ity and development. In return for peace with Israel, Egypt would also recover all its na- tional territory and the Palesti- nians would gain their au- tonomy in the occupied ter- ritories. "Yet," he stresses, "years after the flag of the Star of David was hoisted in Cairo, Egyptians are galled that a portion of land they consider to be theirs — the beachfront sliver of Taba — re- mains under Israeli control, that more Arab land has been an- nexed by Israel (in East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights), that Lebanon was in- vaded and that Egypt remains ostracized by most of the Arab world. Never broadly popular in Egypt, the separate peace has now come to be regarded as a national humiliation." In the present tense situation in Egypt, Jabber asserts, any serious program of economic re- trenchment, although absolutely necessary and long overdue, "will be interpreted as final proof of the failure of the Sadat policies. The hardships of au- sterity are certain to generate strong pressures for a reorienta- tion away from the United States and Israel." Egypt's current crisis had its root in the Nasser era (for which, Jabber notes, there is currently "a widespread sense of nostalgia") when the military build-up consumed almost a For Egyptians, the crisis is bound up with peace with Israel and the tight U.S. embrace. third of Egypt's gross national product. By the time Sadat con- solidated power in 1971, the Egyptian economy was at the breaking point. With the 1973 war and for the following three years, Egypt received nearly $6 billion from the Arab states, $1.6 billion from the U.S. and another $1.1 billion from inter- national funds and other indus- trialized nations, plus about $1 billion a year in secret military assistance from the oil- producing states. But while Infitah, or Sadat's Open door policy attracted these huge sums, Cairo failed to put them to productive use; only a small proportion went into in- vestment in industry, agricul- ture and infrastructural de- velopment, so that by the late 1970s, the positive impact of the Sadat policies had been dissi- pated. "Most damaging," says Jabber, "was Egypt's isolation from the rest of the Arab world as the unilateral approach to Is- rael took hold. Whatever public acquiescence in this bold move existed was due to high expecta- tions of the economic benefits that peace would bring, expecta- tions that Sadat persistently encouraged. "As these hopes faded, criti- cism mounted from Egyptian Is- lamic fundamentalists, the left, the Nasserists, and even from prominent politicians and opinion-makers within the rul- ing establishment. The harsh political repression that followed set the stage for Sadat's assassi- nation by a group of religious extremists in October 1981." On assuming office, President Mubarak reduced normalization of relations with Israel to the minimum consistent with the letter of the peace agreement, sought to mend relations with the Arab states and the Pales- tine Liberation Organization, loosened somewhat the ties with the United States and reestab-