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that the past heads of Youth Aliya have
taken politically-motivated decisions to
direct an increasing amount of depart-
mental support to anti-Zionist and non-
Zionist yeshivas. (See Part One of this
series, May 16 JT).
The memo suggests that the main
source of complaints from the Reform and
Conservative movements concerns dis-
crimination against their members as in-
dividuals regarding the provision of Agen-
cy services. When asked about this, both
Hirsch and Spectre dismissed this as a
trivial issue.
"Of course we know that the Agency
doesn't discriminate," said Spectre disdain-
fully. "The Agency is only too happy to
provide young people from Conservative
backgrounds with scholarships to study in
yeshivas! There's no discrimination there.
And they also want you to think they're do-
ing you a favor when Conservative stu-
dents are 'allowed' to study in Israeli
universities that are supported by the
Agency. What chutzpah! But when it
comes to encouraging • students from
abroad to study in Conservative programs
in Israel, or to providing absorption ser-
vices for Conservative immigrants, then we
are told that the Agency doesn't support
institutions."

"We are not asking for
special favors — and we
don't begrudge the
Orthodox what they
receive — but we want
no less than our fair
share," says a Reform
spokesman.

In its tally of Agency support for Ortho-
dox individuals or programs, the UIA com-
pares the proportion of the Agency budget
spent on this category with the proportion
of the Orthodox in Israel's population. The
UIA's conclusion is that the Agency
spends less on the Orthodox than their
share of the population warrants (which
could be interpreted that the Agency
discriminates against the Orthodox). But
this overlooks the massive aid that Orth-
odox institutions get from the WZO, the
Joint Distribution Committee and the
government.
In addition, the memo, which has set the
tone for subsequent statements of the UIA
on this subject, plays down the entire issue
of the allocations to political and other
bodies which have been made for years
without any clear criteria.
The Agency budget also carries an item
described as "earmarked contributions,"
that has ranged in recent years between $4

million and $8 million. This procedure,
which requires the approval of the Agen-
cy Treasurer in each instance, allows in-
dividual donors to use the Agency as a tax-
exempt channel for contributions to a wide
range of cultural, medical, religious, educa-
tional and welfare institutions in Israel.
The list of approved institutions contains
some tfiat are connected to political par-
ties, many that conduct independent fund-
raising campaigns abroad, but none spon-
sored by the Reform or Conservative
movements.
• These earmarked gifts usually come
from. Keren Hayesod countries, but they
are also permitted from the U.S. through
the UJA. The purpose behind them is to
accommodate the wishes of a major donor
to make a specific gift, or as an incentive
for getting new donors into the UJA/Keren
Hayesod campaign. There are always ex-
ceptions, however, and recently an Ortho-
dox synagogue in Brooklyn that dis-,
banded and sold off its assets was allowed
to donate the entire sum to an Orthodox
synagogue in Israel.
When asked whether Reform-or Conser-
vative institutions could be aided through
this Agency channel, Lewinsky just smiled
and said that the Agency was planning "to
cut back on this sort of thing."
. The Israeli leaders of the Agency and the
heads of the UIA have been trying to have
it both ways: to the unsuspecting Diaspora
fund-raisers they say that the Agency is an
independent body that provides only "ser-
vices for individuals" and totally ignores •
political considerations in its budgetary
allocations; but in backroom dealings with
the WZO "partners" they must admit that
the Agency is an extension of the Israeli
political system, with all this implies for
political influence over the Agency's spend-
ing priorities.
The Reform and Conservative move-
. ments have made it clear that they will no
longer tolerate attempts by the Agency
leadership to play by two sets of rules: one
that says that Agency support for their
movements' programs cannot take into ac-
count what the Orthodox get from the
government and other sources; and
another that says that the Orthodox can
benefit from "services to individuals" from
the Agency as well as from allocations to
institutions and other forms of Agency
support, which are rewards stemming from
their privileged position in the wider
political system.
Many of the American leaders in the
Agency have grown less and less tolerant
of these and other political factors in the
Agency's policies. A key group of these
leaders recently decided to launch a'cam-
paign for the depoliticization of the Agen-
cy, as we shall see in next week's final in-
stallment of this series.

Part Four

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