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May 16, 1986 - Image 41

Resource type:
Text
Publication:
The Detroit Jewish News, 1986-05-16

Disclaimer: Computer generated plain text may have errors. Read more about this.

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claim on Palestine was based
on the Jews' right to return
to their Biblical homeland,
any decision to surrender
Hebron, Jericho or Bethle-
hem would ultimately under-
mine the logic and legitimacy
of Israeli sovereignty over
Tel Aviv, the Negev or the
Galilee.
There are also those who
favor keeping the West Bank
and Gaza for economic
reasons. Thousands of young
Israeli families have bought
subsidized government
apartments—"only fifteen
minutes from downtown Tel
Aviv," as the ads proclaim.
And many businesses in
Israel are dependent on Arab
labor. These factors have
created a powerful nonideo-
logical lobby for the status
quo.
By far the largest number
of hawks are convinced by
the security argument. The
West Bank is, after all, not
geographically separated
from the rest of Israel. Dur-
ing the days of Jordanian
control it was frequently the
staging ground for sniping or
terrorist raids into Israel—
and from its hills, Jerusalem
and Tel Aviv are within ar-
tillery or even rifle range.
What, many wonder, would
happen if the West Bank
became a radical, Soviet-
armed Palestinian State.
Opponents of annexation
have questions of their own.
How, they demand, can
Israel continue to be a Jewish
state if it absorbs the million
Arabs of the West Bank and
Gaza? What impact will pro-
longed military occupation
have on the democratic
nature of the state and on the
morality of the young sol-
diers sent to occupy the area?
And, at an even deeper level,
what will the consequences
be for peace? The Arabs,
these Israeli doves maintain,
can never agree to an Israeli
annexation of the region, and
keeping it would ensure a
state of permanent war with
the Palestinians.
At the deepest level, the
dividing line is a temper-
amental one. Optimists like
Ezer Weizman argue that the
Israelis are destined to re-
main the Middle East per-
manently, and that theirs is
a powerful nation fully
capable of taking care of
itself in the rough-and-tumble
of Middle Eastern diplomacy.
On the other side, pessimists,
like Ariel Sharon, have main--
tained that the Jews are not
like other nations and that,
quite apart from the Arab
character, Jews must learn
history's lesson: that they
can expect the worst and can
depend only on their own mil-
itary strength.
Over the past decade Israel
has become, paradoxically,
both more hawkish and more

Continued on next page

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