THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS Friday, September 21, 1984
V
COMING SOON .. .
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officials also cited what they said
were the other more important
matters to be discussed, especially
ways of reducing East-West ten-
sions and promoting arms control.
What exactly are the steps
envisaged by the Reagan Ad-
ministration to limit Soviet influ-
ence in the Middle East in the af-
termath of the dramatic reversals
over the past year?
U.S. officials pointed to a
multi-pronged approach which
they expected to be pursued dur-
ing a second Reagan Administra-
tion.
For one thing, they hoped for a
revived effort to get Arab-Israeli
peace talks off the ground. This,
U.S. officials said, is still seen as a
basic ingredient in strengthening
U.S. interests in the region. The
"U.S. policy (in the
Middle East) is really
quite
straightforward."
Robert McFarlane
Americans believe it would
weaken the incentive of the more
moderate Arab states — Egypt,
Jordan, Saudi Arabia, etc. — to
move toward the Soviet camp.
Simultaneously, they added, it
would raise the possibility of the
more pro-Soviet countries — Iraq
and Syria are often mentioned as
two examples — improving their
ties with Washington.
"U.S. policy is really quite
straightforward," according to
National Security Adviser Robert
McFarlane. "We seek a just,
enduring peace based upon politi-
cal agreements among states. We
believe that such a peace is the
surest guarantee of peace for all.
In order to reach these ends, we
try to help resolve conflicts —
great and small — through
negotiations.
"To encourage people to talk,
however, requires the kind of
cooperative relationships re-
flected in U.S. security and eco-
nomic development assistance,
political support or joint military
activities. Such U.S. action can
convince adversaries to take risks
for peace by giving leaders confi-
dence in U.S. commitments as
well as the political, economic and
military means to deal with
internal and external threats."
McFarlane was referring to the
Administration's joint strategy of
enhancing strategic ties with Is-
rael while at the same time trying
to do the same thing with some of
the Arab states, especially Egypt,
Jordan and Saudi Arabia. The
Administration may no longer
talk of creating a "strategic con-
sensus" in the region involving Is-
rael and some of the pro-
American Arab states. That was
the controversial term associated
with former Secretary of State
Alexander Haig. But the thrust of
that approach is still very much
evident in the formulation of U.S.
strategy in the Middle East.
Thus, McFarlane welcomed the
formalized U.S.-Israeli strategic
cooperation aimed at countering
"the Soviet threat to our mutual
interests in the Middle East
through combined planning, joint
exercises and prepositioning of
U.S. equipment in Israel. This
cooperation adds to deterrence
and improves the prospects for
peace and security."
But at the same time, he ex-
pressed support for continued
arms sales to the Arabs as a fun-
damental instrument of U.S. pol-
icy in the region. "The United
States," he said, "is working to
create an atmosphere that will
encourage initiatives by all the
parties. But in addition to ensur-
ing Israel's security and main-
taining its qualitative military
edge, this will require continued
American arms sales to key Arab
moderates in order to give them
confidence in U.S. commitments
as well as the capability to defend
themselves against external at-
tack from radical forces. These
radicals threaten not only the
United States and Israel, but
moderate Arabs as well."
All of this does not mean to
suggest that a major new U.S.
peace initiative is likely shortly
after a Reagan re-election. The
President and his team are still
very much burning from their
tragic experience in Lebanon.
They are fully aware of the politi-
cal pitfalls in the Middle East.
They also recognize that Jordan
has not yet agreed to join the
peace process by accepting face-
to-face talks with Israel — a key
ingredient of Reagan's 1982 peace
plan.
CO 12.12 711
f unction
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