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Friday, April 20, 1984
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Photo by Harvey Finkle
Beersheva felafel stand
hewers of wood now, not us. But the
Likud is not yet a home for the Easter-
ners; it's not an ideology — it's a pro-
test."
It may not be an ideology, but for
many it has indeed become a home.
The highest-ranking Likud Sephardi
is Deputy Premier David Levy. In
1977 he was the butt of a series of
crude Polish-type jokes told by
Ashkenazim, centering on the fact
that he never finished high school and
spoke no English. But now nobody can
remember a David Levy joke. He has
proved to be one of Israel's most adept
politicians, and the very factors
thought liabilities by many
Ashkenazim — his past as an unskil-
led laborer in the development town of
Beit Shean, his police record for wreck-
ing an unemployment office in frustra-
tion, his illiterate father — make him
popular among lower-class Sephar-
dim, who see him as one of them.
At 46, Levy is the senior member
of a new generation of younger
Sephardic politicians working their
way to power through the Likud — less
out of right-wing ideology than for the
simple reason that the Likud was open
to their ambition, while Labor was a
closed shop. They see themselves not
as Sephardic leaders but as national
politicians, and they use their Sephar-
dic origins cannily, making little di-
rect appeal for support on that basis
but carefully tailoring their image as
men of national responsibility who are
aware of and sensitive to ethnic prob-
lems.
The story of Meir Shitreet, at 35
one of the youngest, brightest, suavest
members of the Knesset and already
thought of as a possible future Prime
Minister, is an object lesson for Labor.
He entered politics not out of ideology
but out of sheer pragmatism: he
wanted a swimming pool.
He lives in Yavne, which in the
late 1960s was a dusty development
town of 5,000 people on the sand dunes
south of Tel Aviv. A British donor had
offered a sports center to the town
council, which was controlled by the
National Religious Party, but the offer
had been turned down — the council
insisted on two pools, one for men and
one for women, in accordance with
religious ideas of modesty, and the
donor had balked.
Outraged by the council's action,
Shitreet and a group of friends or-
ganized the town in protest, but to no
avail. They tried running as an inde-
pendent party for the council, gained
the balance of power, but then were
quickly ousted by big-party deals
made behind their backs. Finally, in
1973, Shitreet decided to run again,
but only with the backing of a major
political party. It didn't matter which
one, so long as it met his basic condi-
tion: he would choose exactly who
would be on the slate — No party
hacks.
Labor and the National Religious
Party refused. The Likud agreed. (Ar-
chitect of that agreement was Yitzhak
Shamir, now Prime Minister.) Shit-
reet, won the largest majority ever in
Yavne, became Israel's youngest
mayor, got the pool and the sports cen-
ter, and set about transforming the
town into a thriving model community
of 23,000. Shamir, no mean prag-
matist himself, put Shitreet on the
Knesset slate in 1977, and in 1981,
offered him a deputy ministership,
which Shitreet astutely refused. "I
want the power to get things dong," he
says, "and that means a Cabinet post
and nothing less."
His blue-green eyes and soft-
spoken, crisp speech belie the Moroc-
can stereotype of dark violence and
emotionalism. His university science
background helps, as do the Hardy
Amies suits he wears in an otherwise
shabbily dressed Knesset, where he
sits on the powerful Finance Commit-
tee.
As Shitreet sees it, the main
ethnic problem is the erosion of
Sephardic self-respect. "We have to re-
store the sense of personal responsibil-
Continued on Page 31