16 Friday, February 24, 1984 THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS Roles of Israel, DATA Still Debated NEW 1984 By DAVID LANDAU Jewish Peronist member BUENOS AIRES (JTA) of Congress, Diego Gue- — The Jewish community of lar, warned this reporter, Argentina, as a vital and however, not to believe long-established part of this everything one is told by vast country with its trou- anti-Peronist Jews. He bled recent history, is shar- contended that the ing in the current psycho- Peronist movement as with aft, stereo. tilt, and much. much more political upheaval that is such was never anti- engulfing Argentina with Semitic, though he con- the return of democracy ceded that on its ul- after seven years of military traright fringe there has always been a neo-fascist dictatorship. Like the rest of the na- element.) In a key respect, though, tion, the Jews of Argentina follow avidly and with the Jewish community here strong feelings of relief, is stirred and troubled even tempered with national more than the general pub- shame, the day-after-day lic over the brief and bloody discoveries of new mass history of the military dic- with approved credit. $500 Down graves in remote areas, tatorship. There is profound and at yielding their gruesome 48 months. GMAC closed end lease. contents of tortured and times acrimonious heart- searching within the com- murdered bodies. 400 N. MAIN Informed observers esti- munity over the question of N. of 11 MILE RD. mate that a solid majority of whether the leadership did ROYAL OAK the Jews voted for Raul Al- enough to protect and save fonsin, the Radical Party young Jews persecuted by 547-6100 leader who swept to victory the military. While statistics are still See for in the Presidential election on Oct. 30. Many Jews here sketchy and investigations Special Savings on Lease Cars. have always felt suspicious and revelations continue, it "WHERE NICE THINGS HAPPEN'' is already quite clear that and fearful of Peronism. (An important young the Jews suffered — propor- tionate to their strength in the population — consider- • •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• ably more than other sec- • • DRAPERIES • BEDSPREADS • BLANKETS tions. There were perhaps • • (Cleaned or Laundered) four times as many "disap- peared persons" among the •, WINDOW SHADES • LAMPSHADES • PILLOWS Jews than among the gen- • VENETIAN BLINDS (Cleaned, retaped & re-corded) eral population. • ANY OTHER ITEMS YOU MAY HAVE — IF IT CAN BE Most Jewish observers do not believe that people CLEANED, WE'LL CLEAN IT AND CLEAN IT PROPERLY were kidnapped and kil- ■■••■ led by government thugs di nrga pween ecsa nt r fei tmaankoet dwir.ned ionw merely because they staolrl were Jews (though there Tilnogv another are some Jewish and Is- room. raeli observers who are not convinced of this). But the evidence clearly VlS4 • We Remove & Install shows that Jews, once in- carcerated, were worse treated, more brutally tortured, than other pris- DRAPERY CLEANERS oners. Suburban Call Collect And if one was Jewish, says Sofia Eppelbaum, that the name implies." 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She ac- cuses the then presidebt of the DAIA, the representa- tive body of Argentine Jewry, of urging Jewish organizations abroad to mute the tone of their pro- tests and not to intervene overtly over the Jewish dis- appeared ones. Former Argentine news- paper publisher Jacobo Timerman, in his book, "Prisoner Without A Name, Cell Without A Number," also faults then-DAIA president Nehemias Re- znizky and the Jewish es-' tablishment, at one point fl- inging out the dreadful ac- cusation, "Judenrat." (The Judenrats, or Coun- cils of Jews, were set up by the Nazis in occupied Europe and they in effect helplessly assisted the Germans in the process of ghettoization and eventual extermination. There were some councils that vainly tried to resist the Germans.) In the later years of the military dictatorship, the Jewish Movement for Human Rights was set up, led by American- Argentine Rabbi Mar- shall Meyer and leftist newspaper editor Her- man Schiller, as a coun- terweight to the estab- lishment leadership, to press persistently and vociferously on the human rights issue. Reznizky, in a recent interview, vehemently and bitterly denied the allega- tions against him. He argued that. the DAIA, at the helm of the community, had been more active than any other sectional group in the land on behalf of the missing persons and their anguished families. Each month, he recalled, he himself would present a list of Jewish missing per- sons at the Ministry of Interior. "I didn't help much, but we kept at it. No one could help much — even the Vatican, even the French and Italian govern- ments," he said. Reznizky flatly and passionately denied that he had urged Jewish organiza- tions in the U.S. and elsewhere to be silent or keep a low profile. On the contrary, he said, "Whenever I was asked I told the whole truth about the terrible situation of the Jews in Argentina and I urged everyone to do what they could." Reznizky shows a warm and admiring let- ter to him, dated January 1977, from Rabbi Morton Rosenthal, director of the Latin American affairs department of the Anti- Defamation League of Bnai Brith, totally scotch- ing the suspicion that arose then that Reznizky had been cowed into passivity by the arrest and subsequent release of his own son, Marcos. Marcos was hauled off by 12 armed men from Rezniz- ky's home in the dead of night. But Reznizky senior was able to intercede with the Interior Minister, Gen- eral Harguindeguy, and se- cure his release after four days of brutal interrogation about Zionist plotting and international Jewish con- spiracies. "Yes, I. know," he says, "that other people were not able to appeal to Harguin- deguy. The minister knew this case would cause an up- roar, but the minister told me that my son would be freed because he was not in- volved in subversion — otherwise not even Har- guindeguy would have helped." After the release, Reznizky immediately sent Marcos and his other two children to Israel. Marcos still lives there. Reznizky insists that he and the DAIA continued after this episode as before, doggedly presenting their lists of missing persons, publicly fighting against neo-Nazi literature then pouring onto the market, and generally ensuring that Jewish life, religious and 'communal, continued to flourish in these trying con- ditions. A third and less subjec- tive perspective on this poignant problem was of- fered to the Jewish Tele- graphic Agency by Jacobo Fiterman, now president of the Argen- tine Zionist Federation. Fiterman sympathizes with the Jewish human rights movement, but he does not dismiss or dis- count the efforts made by the DAIA during the bad years. "We were afraid," he says candidly. "But in this, the Jews were no different from the rest of the country. Everyone was afraid." Complicating the con- troversy is a sub-debate over the role of Israel. On the one hand, Israeli dip- lomats and other emissaries were active discreetly in re- scuing young Jews. Hun- dreds were quietly flown to Israel, and even now _much of the story is untold and unknown. On the other hand, the Is- rael government had — and indeed still has — a close arms-supply relationship with Argentina. During the junta period, the Argentina Air Force built up a large fleet of Israeli warplanes which proved themselves convincingly in the Mal- vinas (Falklands) war. There are critics in Argentina, and in Israel, too, who believe it was mor- ally reprehensible for Israel to supply a rightist regime, with a crude anti-Semitic tinge, with military hardware. But others con- tend that it was the close re- lationship between the two countries defense estab- lishments that enabled Is- rael to act quietly. c7