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THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS
14 Friday, October 23, 1%1
VOTE FOR EXPERIENCE! Moshe Dayan, Israel's Soldier-Statesman
RE-ELECT
STEVE S.
(Continued from Page 1)
Nahalal in 1921.
• • •
From a historical view-
point, one task that Moshe
Dayan did not complete was
his dialogue with the Arabs.
Not that Dayan himself
ever hoped to complete it.
On the contrary, at various
stages of his military and
political career he spoke
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about the conflict with the
Arabs as a matter for gen-
erations.
At the height of the War
of Attrition in 1968-1969,
Dayan, as Defense Minis-
ter, had no words of con-
solation as pictures of
young fallen soldiers ap-
peared daily in the press.
He repeatedly told the
people 'to be patient, to
learn to live with the con-
flict. Perhaps for that
reason he was described
as a pessimist by nature.
The peace treaty with
Egypt, in which he was in-
volved from the early con-
tacts which led to President
Anwar Sadat's visit to
Jerusalem in 1977, was,
undoubtedly, Dayan's
greatest contribution in this
dialogue. However, even
then, he never hid his skep-
ticism and was a tough bar-
gainer.
The feeling that Dayan
did not complete the
dialogue is accentuated by
what the Arabs themselves
expected from him. Gaza
Mayor Rashad A-Shawa
said over the weekend that
Dayan was the one Israeli
statesman who best under-
stood the Arabs. Such ex-
pressions were common also
during his life.
Arab leaders — and
common people — often said
that Dayan was just the
person to conclude peace.
Despite bitter criticism of
Dayan's role as an enemy,
especially as Defense
Minister, he was considered
as the most favored partner
for negotiations.
Unlike most Israeli
statesmen, Dayan did not
become acquainted with
the Arabs only at the
negotiating table or only
in the battle field. He
learned to know them
from his early childhood
in the fields of Nahalal.
As a child, he often went
on excursions in the vicinity
of Nahalal, meeting Arab
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children in fights as well as
in fun. He learned Arabic,
although he never quite
mastered it. In negotiations
with Arabs later in his life
he
always preferred
English.
He was the first in his
class to join older boys and
their fathers in skirmishes
with the neighboring Arab
and Bedouin population. As
a youth he established a
close friendship with a
young Arab, until a major
clash between the settlers
and the Arabs caused them
to break off ties.
From then on Dayan's re-
lations with the Arabs fo-
cused mainly on the battle
fields. However, after the
War of Independence, Pre-
mier David Ben-Gurion
chose him as his principal
adviser on Arab affairs. As
commander of the Sixth
Brigade in Jerusalem, he
was involved in prolonged
negotiations with Jordan
over the cease-fire. Later he
took an active part in the
Rhodes Armistice negotia-
tions with Jordan, Syria,
Lebanon and Egypt.
In December 1953,
Dayan became Chief of
Staff. It was a period of
changing rule in Egypt. A
year-and-a-half after the
overthrow of the monar-
chy by the "free officers"
led by Gamal Abdel Nas-
ser, Gen. Mohammad
Naguib ruled the coun-
try, but four months la-
ter, Nasser removed him.
Some Arab affairs experts
argue until today that Nas-
ser would have been ripe for
some political settlement
with Israel. The same ex-
perts argue that Dayan was
influential in preventing
that settlement. Leftwing
historian Meir Payil said
over the weekend that
Dayan probably felt that
the War of Independence
would not be over until the
Egyptians suffered a major
blow.
Dayan, of course, argued
that the Egyptians were the
ones who led to the deter-
ioration. The frequent ter-
rorist attacks from the Gaza
Strip, then under Egyptian
control, led to the major Is-
raeli raid on Gaza in 1955
which, according to some
historians, put an end to
any possible compromise
with the new Egyptian re-
gime. The swift Israeli vic-
tory in the Sinai campaign
in 1956 did not bring the
Egyptians any closer to
peace.
But Dayan retained his
reputation as one who un-
derstood the "Arab mental-
ity." As Defense Minister
during the Six-Day War he
wanted the army to stop
short of the banks of the
Suez Canal, apparently to
leave the door open for
negotiations with the Egyp-
tians. However, the fast
pace of the war did not allow
for such Israeli restraint.
Dayan succeeded in
developing the "open
bridges" policy with Jor-
dan as well as opening
the "Green Line" be-
tween Israel proper and
the administered ter-
ritories for a two-way
traffic of people and
commerce.
The idea which guided
this policy was to maintain
life in the territories as
normal as possible and to
create the framework for de
facto peaceful relations
with neighboring Jordan.
But some critics of Dayan,
such as Zvi Elpeleg of Tel
Aviv University, argued
that by opening the bridges
across the Jordan River,
Dayan actually opened the
door to the gradual takeover
of the West Bank by the
Palestine Liberation
Organization.
Dayan's name was asso-
ciated with the liberal mili-
tary occupation of the ad-
ministered territories. His
philosophy was to let the
Arabs in the territories do
whatever they pleased as
long as they did not act
against the security of Is-
rael. "If they wish to close
their schools or shut their
shops, let them do so," he
used to say.
He developed a close rela-
tionship with Mohammad
Ali Al-Jaabari, the Mayor of
Hebron, whose role in the
1929 massacre of Hebron
Jews is still controversial.
Dayan removed Gaza
Mayor Rashad A-Shawa
from his post after he shel-
tered a wanted terrorist in
his home. But later, Dayan
reappointed him as mayor.
Arabs on the West
Bank do not remember
Dayan for his "liberal oc-
cupation policy" but re-
member him for his col-
lective punishment for
terrorist acts; the demoli-
tion of houses whose
owners or relatives of
owners were involved in
terrorism.
During the first Likud
government, Dayan, as
Foreign Minister, quietly
engaged in what was de-
scribed as "private talks"
with local Palestinian lead-
ers in a futile effort to find
alternative partners for
negotiations to the PLO. He
met with PLO supporters
such as Dr. Ahmad
Nqatshe ( whom he had
deported in the early 1970s)
and Khaidah Abdual Shaft
of the Gaza region.
Dayan ran on the Telem
ticket in the 10th Knesset
elections last June with es-
sentially one message: Im-
pose a unilateral autonomy
on the West Bank. It was a
logical consequence of his
old belief that the Arabs in
the territories should run
their own affairs, with Is-
rael limiting her control to
security.
But the Jewish voter, just
as his Arab partners for the
negotiations, did not show
enthusiasm for the idea.
Dayan won only two Knes-
set seats, much to his disap-
pointment. Admitting the
defeat, he said he would
continue to work toward
this end. But in the months
after the elections his
health deteriorated,' and
consequently his influence.
Undoubtedly, Dayan's
greatest achievement in
(Continued on Page 15)