12 Friday, September 26, 1980
THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS
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I
American Jewish Role in Political Arena
By A.B. RABONSON
Jimmy Carter has sur-
rounded himself with more
Jews than any other
President in recent history,
two of whom he brought to
the White House from
Georgia. His first Cabinet
had a Jewish Secretary of
Defense who is still occupy-
ing that position. There
have been reports that his
first Secretary of the Treas-
ury was also Jewish. He has
added two more Jews to his
second Cabinet. He is also
the first head of the Demo-
cratic Party to appoint a
Jew as a his campaign
chairman.
He was probably the first
Presidential candidate who
made campaign appear-
ances in synagogues, read-
ing solemn pledges of up-
holding the integrity of the
Jewish state in front of the
Holy Ark. He even had his
friend, Isaac Goodfriend,
the Jewish cantor from At-
lanta, a Holocaust survivor,
recite the National Anthem
at his inauguration.
He was the only President
to take official notice of the
Holocaust tragedy and ap-
pointed a special committee
to develop a broader pro-
gram to commemorate the
human tragedy. Why then
the mistrust and fear of this
President?
One reason may be
President Carter's
southern background
and his self-proclaimed
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faith as a "Born-Again
Christian." American
Jews are somewhat ap-
prehensive of the South
with its climate of racial
prejudice and anti-
.Semitic overtones.
However, there were no
apprehensions or doubts
about President Lyndon
Johnson, a Texan, even
though he had only one Jew
in the White House, Prof.
Walter Rostow, but none in
his Cabinet. Why then the
apprehension over this
President? It seems to this
writer that the answer is to
be found in the political per-
sonality of Jimmy Carter,
his conduct and behavior as
a candidate and.as the Chief
Executive of this nation.
The President started out
and continues to appear as a
"populist." This has created
apprehension in the minds
of many Americans.
Populism, after all, consists
of running with and after
the crowd. Jews have had
bitter experiences with
"crowds." In the South it
often meant a lynch mob.
The Constitution and the
Bill of Rights which were
formulated by the founding
fathers, gave the
Presidency strict directives
and independent powers to
ignore changing political
c 1 im ates__ a nd_p_o_p ul ar _ pre_s,
sures. The President, the
leader with the law as his
guide, must act in the best
interest of the nation and
resist the urge to run with
the crowd. Populism, on the
other hand, means pleasing
the crowd and Jimmy has
acted -consistently as a
crowd-pleaser.
There is an authentic
report that during the
primary campaign in
New York in 1976, a lead-
, ing New York Democrat,
a Jew, was asked by
Jimmy Carter for his
support. He hesitated,
upon which the candi-
date told him: "Tell me
what you want me to say
about Israel and I will say
it." A similar approach
was manifested through-
out the campaign. "I am
here to do as you please."
This attitude prevailed at
the White House through-
out the Carter Administra-
tion. The frequent zig-zag of
his policies consistently fol-
lowed the same format:
"How will this look in the
re-election campaign?"
Jews believed that their
position and security rested
on constitutional funda-
mentals, ethical impera-
tives and humantistic prin-
ciples. Political expediency
and opportunism, the run-
ning after the crowd, pre-
sents ominous portents.
Even non-Zionist Jews
• were shocked at the attitude
of the Carter Administra-
tion in regard to Israel's
quest for security and peace.
Carter's breach of solemn
pledges was a cynieal ma-
neuver, offending the con-
cepts of righteousness, jus-
tice and loyalty which are so
deeply imbedded in Jewish
tradition. To some it sig-
naled uncertainty for Jews
at home, as well as abroad.
The joint U.S.-Soviet
statement regarding the
Middle East in October
1978, giving the Kremlin a
dominant position in regard
to Israel, was a very disturb-
ing signal to American
Jewry. They viewed it as a
repeat of Chamberlain's
odyssey to -Munich, with the
subsequent betrayal of
Czechoslovakia; the joint
statement seemed to place
Israel and its three million
Jews at the mercy of the
Kremlin. This was not ef
petted from an American
President.
Jews have always been
sensitive to human rights
issues. Therefore, Ameri-
can Jews were proud of
the President's promul-
gation of human rights as
a fundamental tenet of
American foreign policy.
According to the New
York Times of July 30,
1980, the President con-
tinues to take pride in his
concern for this issue.
"When I became President,
I emphasized our commit-
ment to human rights as a
fundamental tenent of our
foreign policy." Carter said,
"That commitment is as im-
portant to me today as it.
was then. It is as central to
America's interests now as
it was when our country was
born."
Consequently, many
Americans began to ques-
tion the integrity of the
White House in regard to
this issue, pointing out the
double-standard of dealing
with nations which violate
the principles of human
rights. They question the
Carter Administration's si-
lence on the lack of human
rights in the Arab coun-
tries.
Saudi Arabia is lauded by
the Administration- as a
good friend of the U.S., its
rulers are honored and
courted by the President
and his Administration,
and are offered the most
sophisticated weapons.
Syria is wooed and offered
economic aid; engines for
war ships are sold to Iraq
and war planes are sold to
Baghdad; Libya, a base for
international terrorism and
a wholesale murderer of its
political opponents, is pur-
sued by the Administration.
In all these countries,
the law of the bullet, the
bayonet and the gallows
is the order of the day.
There is no sanctity for
human life. Women are
oppressed and so are
ethnic and religious
minorities.
There is a widespread
opinion that the Carter
Administration suffei
from a lack of backbone L. ,
its foreign policy. It follows
a line of weakness, retreat
and appeasement. Con-
sequently, others see us as a
pushover, or as a former
President designated it, "a
pitiful giant."
Teddy Roosevelt, who op-
erated with "a stick and a
carrot" is often mentioned
with nostalgia as an anti-
Carter prototype.
America s weakness and
(Continued on Page 13)