THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS 28 Friday, February 1, 1980 Trotsky Biography Traces Russian Anti-Semitism The SHEL ROTT ORCHESTRA Featuring T.V. & Recording Artist VICKIE CARROLL 354 -0110 255-1599 A biography of Leon Trotsky is especially timely in this era of the renewed cold war. In the instance of a biog- raphy with emphasis on his- torical data, the text be- comes especially valuable as a guide for an under- standing of the current de- velopments. Ronald Segal, in "Leon Trotsky" (Pantheon Books) traces the background of oppression and anti- Semitism under which the famous Communist leader grew into world eminence. His original family If you're not wearing it, sell it. You can't enjoy jewelry if it's sitting in your safe deposit box. Sell it for immediate cash. We pur- chase fine gems, Diamonds and Gold Jewelry. A service to private owners, banks and estates. Call 642-5575. 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Leon (Lev) was sent to a Hebrew day school, then was enrolled in a gymnasium in Odessa where he experienced the prejudice directed against Jews and where he began to show his independence as a thinker and potential leader. Segal refers to the anti- Semitic policies of the Rus- sian government at that time. He points out that "whatever the actual prop- ortion of Jews among the revolutionaries in Russia, it was certainly much larger than the proportion of Jews among Russians in gen- eral." This is what dis- turbed the Russian oligar- chy as indicated in this his- torical note in Segal's "Leon Trotsky": "Jews lived under the ever-present threat of pog- roms. Mobs. often led by priests, would attack Jewish districts, pillaging homes before setting them aflame, raping and killing, while uniformed police took care to be beyond call or stood watching with indif- ference or delight. No place was safe. 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His rejection of nationalism is the basic fac- tor of his ideology. Segal pays a glowing tribute to Trotsky, who was murdered by a Russian agent in Mexico. He states: "In the end, the fear of Trotsky is the fear of that very revolution which the rulers of the Soviet courage discontent or to ' deflect it from them- selves. Vyacheslav "Count Plehve, the Minister of the Interior, lectured a Jewish delegation from Odessa in 1903: "'In Western Russia some 90 percent of the revolu- tionaries are Jews, and in Russia generally — some 40 percent. I shall not conceal from you that the revolu- tionary movement in Rus- sia worries us ... but you should know that if you do not deter your youth from the revolutionary move- ment, we shall make your position untenable to such an extent that you will have to leave Russia, to the very last man!' To a second delegation, he was more specific. 'Com- pel your men to stop the revolution, and then I shall stop the pogroms.' " Thus Trotsky later at- tained leadership in the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, with Lenin and the major personalities who were to become the do- minant factors in the Com- munist ranks. Trotsky was involved in the disputes over the Bund, the Jewish Socialist group which had fought Zionism and was the subject of fre- quent controversies. Segal recalls that in the early decade of the century Jules Martov first conceived the idea of forming an inde- pendent organization of Jewish workers which gained an important role in the Russian Socialist ranks as the Bund, but after the Bund was formed, Martov, who became closely allied in friendship with Lenin "then discardea his own concept for that of an integrated Russian revolutionary movement." An important historic occurrence involving the Bund is recorded by Segal in his account of the Russian Socialist Labor Congress held in London in 1903. Segal records: "Dominating the early sessions was the issue of the Bund, affiliated to the party, but more and more concerned to preserve and develop its own identity. At its third conference, in 1900, the Bund had limited its political claims to 'civil, not national, equality of rights' for Jews. Then, at its fourth, in the following year, it had switched sig- nals: it declared that Russia would need to be reconsti- tuted as a federation of na- tions, with the Jewish people as one of them, and possessed of no less au- tonomy than the others. "In part, this was an at- tempt by the Bund to arrest, with a nationalist appeal of its own, the spread of sup- port for Zionism among Jewish workers. But Jewish nationalism itself was at- tracting recruits from the ranks of the Bund, in re- sponse to the anti-Semitic policies of the regime, and to the apparent indifference LEON TROTSKY with which even professing liberals in Russia had re- garded recent pogroms. "Martov, on behalf of Union have abandoned in all but name. And Trotsky speaks to them in its threatening voice. He speaks for the power of people against those who speak for the power of the state. the Iskra board, initiated the assault on the Bund's attitude: he tabled a reso- lution which urged 'the closest unity of the Jewish proletariat with the proletariat of those races amongst whom it lives ... in the interests of its struggle for political and economic emancipa- tion and for the social democratic struggle against all chauvinism and anti-Semitism.' "He speaks against privilege to those who speak for the subservience of others. He speaks for the liberation of ideas, to those who speak only for the con- finements of their own. He speaks for the will to resist, regardless of cost, to those who know only how to speak for the intimidation of dis- sen ,I tt . Were Jews alone to be entitled to agitate and or- ganize among Jewish work- ers? Were non-Jewish members of the party to be accordingly excluded? " 'To accept such condi- tions would mean that we acknowledge the bank- ruptcy of our political mor- ality; it would mean com- mitting political-moral suicide. The congress will not do this.' And the con- gress would not. There were 43 delegates, disposing of 51 votes. The Bund had five delegates with voting rights. Martov's resolution was carriedby 40 votes to five, with some absten- tions." is perhaps the most believed, hopelessly bed-ridden. is in the voice of this revolution, too, rejecting and offering, that Trotsky "But it was Trotsky who speaks still for humanity. rose again and -again in the As he spoke when millions debate to batter the of men marched, for the con- arguments of the Bund: flict of their countries, to the beating down all attempts resolution of the bayonet to reach a compromise and proclaiming, to the fury of and the machine-gun, he speaks now to a world of delegates from the Bund, multiplied nationalisms that the 12 'Jewish com- and nuclear weapons. rades' who had signed Mar- tov's resolution, 'while "He speaks to a world working in the All-Russian where within particular party, regarded and still re-_ states, storehouses contain gard themselves also as such hoards of surplus food representatives of the that terms are borrowed Jewish proletariat.' from geography to describe "For the delegates of the them; while a few jet hours Bund, Trotsky might well away, famine crosses the have seemed to be assailing frontiers of sovereignty the rights of Jewish without recognizing the re- nationalism with a suspici- quirement of a passport. ous ardor. And, to be sure, And he will speak for as the Jewish anti-Semite was long as wealth is no more not unknown in revolution- than the obverse of want, in ary record. the coinage of a system that "But Trotsky was never to proclaims itself the source betray that peculiar moral of personal freedom and astigmatism that saw no that provides instead the justification for the imprisonments of property. nationalism of the Jew "It is a voice that does while seeing clearly enough how to defend the not recite the doctrines of the past. Trotsky himself nationalism as a denial of the revolutionary commit- qualified the perceptions of Marx, and history has ment to unite mankind in a qualified the perceptions socialist brotherhood. of Trotsky. Capitalism "He had, he declared at the congress, no wish to de- was not, as Trotsky main- to the end of his tained stroy the Bund. He wished It only to destroy any special life, in its death throes. was not even, as Fascism position for it in the party. "In the years since it got to its feet to fight the Second World War; it has produced, and wasted, more material wealth than in all the many decades of its previous de- velopment. It has dis- covered remedies for some of its ailments.• And it has, as an essential part of the process, so transformed the labor force of industrical advancement that this bears scarcely any re- semblance to the proletariat of the revolutionary texts. "Trotsky believed that men had only to recognize the cage around them to means of making se c am p e e. h their the