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April 28, 1978 - Image 2

Resource type:
Text
Publication:
The Detroit Jewish News, 1978-04-28

Disclaimer: Computer generated plain text may have errors. Read more about this.

2 f Friday, Apill '28; 1918• '

THE DEIROINEIVISHI NEWS

Purely Commentary

Ezer Weizman to Anwar Sadat:
Facts of Life from Israel



An old Yiddish story about the rabbi, his disputants and
his wife doesn't really apply to the Middle East. The old
Yiddish chestnut relates to the rabbi who told one disput-
ant he was right, then pleased the adversary that he, too,
was right, and when the rebetzin, who listened in, asked,
"how could they both be right?," said to her, "du bist oikh
gerekht" — "You also are correct."
Someone has to be right in the Arab-Israel dispute, and
just because Anwar Sadat bewitched Washington and Lon-
don and Paris and Bonn and Vienna doesn't mean that he is
altogether right in all his claims. There is the Menahem
Begin side and that of the majority in the Knesset who
backed him; and even some extremists who had gone so far
afield as to confer with the PLO are beginning to grant that
the Begin proposals for self-rule for the Palestinians, as
opposed to the Sadat self-determination demand has
merits.
Example: Israeli General (Ret.) Mattityahu Peled, who
approved of meetings with PLO spokesmen and actually
conferred with them, wrote on the subject of the PLO and
the Begin plan to the N.Y. Times, stating:
• I don't advocate that Israel should "endow"
the Palestinians with a state, but that we, the Is-
raelis, should let them exercise their right of self-
determination.
• I do not think "it is not a good idea to invite the
PLO to peace talks." I maintain that in order to be
eligible to participate in such talks the PLO
should observe in practice the following two
principles: (a) that all states in the Middle East
have a right to exist in peace; (b) that all parties to
the conflict should abstain from violence in order
to allow peace talks to be conducted.
This is the line which the moderates in the PLO
have been advocating for some years and which is
in fact embodied in Security Council Resolutions
242 and 338. It is now clear that the PLO has fi-
nally rejected this policy, and it has therefore be-
come futile to advocate inviting the PLO to par-
ticipate in any peacemaking forum.
• I do not welcome any plan for "limited self-
rule on the West Bank." I feel, however, that Mr.
Begin's idea of a Palestinian autonomy to be exer-
cised for a number of years on the West Bank and
the Gaza Strip can be a useful step toward even-
tual Palestinian self-determination.
Well, there have been many confusing comments about
the Begin-Sadat controversies and always there is the as-
sertion in the media not-so-friendly to Israel that Sadat
gave everything (didn't he pay a visit to the Knesset in
Jerusalem?) and receives nothing in return. Sadat was
even quoted that Begin-the-intransigent is a tough one to
deal with and he would have done better with the Israel
Minister of Defense Ezer Weizman. Let us, therefore call
Ezer — Sadat refers to him so intimately — as witness to
testify for Israel.
Time magazine interviewed him and Weizman related
the facts as he told them to Sadat. In his Time interview he
referred to his meeting with Sadat in Cairo early this
month and he informed Time that he outlined the Israel
case to the Egyptian president as follows:
For President
Sadat to come to
Israel was some-
thing magnificent.
But as a result of
this euphoria, he
expected that any-
thing that he said
or wished must be
done. I told him
seven weeks ago in
Aswan, and I hope
he will excuse me
if I repeat some-
thing I told him
there, "President
Sadat, what you
did by coming to
Jerusalem I usu-
ally refer to as the
Weizman and Sadat
equivalent of the
act of the first man landing on the moon." He
enjoyed this very much. But then I told him, "But
Mr. President, the first man on the moon came
back down to earth. The problem now is how can
everyone return to earth and stop orbiting. I think
you have to realize, the Egyptians have to realize,
that you cannot forget 30 years of misunderstand-
ing, 30 years of hard battles."
In any peace agreement we shall have to bear in
mind the security problems of Israel. I had the
dubious pleasure the morning of May 13, 1948, of
having a Jordanian column trying to cut the

With So Much Confusion Reigning Over the Middle East
Issues in Government Circles, It is Heartening to Have
a Lesson in Facts of Life Given by Weizman to Sadat

country in half. I wouldn't like that to happen
again. When President Sadat, in Ismailia, . got a
little annoyed with me and said, "Ezer, this
doesn't go through, I'll have you chased all over
the world." I replied, "Please, Mr President, the
first time I started chasing you was 20 kilometers
south of Tel Aviv in May 1948, and look where we
are now. Let's not start chasing each other again."
The Egyptians did a 90° turn in their policy by
coming here and offering us peace. We did a 90°
turn by going all the way toward them in Sinai
and some of the way in the West Bank. People
always claim that from a security point of view,
perhaps we are exaggerating. I would like to re-
mind you that we are three million, surrounded
by about 100 million. It's very interesting to be
part of a three million population surrounded di-
rectly by 70 million to 80 million and be branded
an aggressor. It's a very good compliment, but I
wish we didn't have it.
The West Bank was never a sovereign part of
Jordan. The U.S. never recognized the annexa-
tion. The Gaza strip was never a sovereign part of
Egypt. Egypt doesn't want it, doesn't claim it.
Egypt says, and President Carter says, that they
don't want a Palestinian state on the West Bank.
So to whom should we return it? Why can't we talk
about some common effort to rule, to govern, to
administer the West Bank? Isn't there some logic
in Israel's proposal for autonomy for the West
Bank, since it has never been functionally part of
either Jordan or Israel?
Ever since we started in 1948, our air force has
had priority targets — for bombing Egypt, Libya,
all over the place, even to the U.S.! (Laughter.) We
never had such targets in Saudi Arabia, because
its wealth is all east of the Persian Gulf and we
had no reason to attack them. But now there is the
Tabuk airbase, about 180 miles from Eilat — in the
middle of miles and miles and miles of sand. Why
is it there? Not to defend Saudi Arabia, but to be
able to take part in a battle against Israel. So why
should the U.S. sell them the most sophisticated
war toys while we are in the middle of peace
negotiations?
I don't want to be critical of Hussein, he's got
problems. He's a King, and who am Ito criticize
Kings? I've never met him — not secretly, not
clandestinely, but I hope to meet him some day. I
think he made a few mistakes. I think he made a
mistake- when he attacked us in '67. I think he
made a mistake when he did not attack us in '73. I
think he made a mistake when he didn't come to
see Sadat in Jerusalem in '77.
But what does he claim about 1967? On the
morning of June 5, we sent a message to Hussein
through the good offices of the UN: "Don't start
and we won't" When the shooting began, there
was no plan for attacking the West Bank. The next
thing we knew, he was shooting at (Israeli)
Jerusalem, at the civilian quarters. When we took
the West Bank. Hussein said, "But Nasser told me
that you were burning."
Among us Jews there are differences of opinion
—on tactics, on principles. But you'd be surprised
how united we can be. All the rumors now are that
people are ambushing Prime Minister Begin, but
he has gone through many ambushes in his life.
He went through Siberia, Poland, the British
period, and he will live through this period too.
People forget why we moved into the Sinai in
1967. The straits were closed, the Egyptian army
marched into the Sinai with 800 tanks, the whole
world sat back and said, "It was very nice know-
ing you for 19 years." No one came to help us.
King Hussein signed an alliance with Nasser,
may his soul rest in peace. General Gamassy told
me that from the Egyptian point of view, 1967 was
a great mistake. How do I know that, when I come
to an agreement with them and go back to the 1967
borders, that one day there will be not good
Gamassy but a bad Gamassy, that there'll be a
different president who will think that his agree-
ment with us is wrong? We are willing to take
phenomenal risks. But let's not forget what has
happened in the last 30 years. I believe there is
more than a chance (for peace), but I would't like
people to believe that there is an easy way and a
simple way.
Pause, please. Check on all the confusions that were
given notoriety in the media — much of that information
having been spiced with anti-Israeli poison — and match
the anti-Israel, pro-Sadat declarations with the position
outlined by Weizman. In the name of justice, the Weiz-
man statement, which must be judged as an official Israeli
assertion, can not be ignored. But it is not treated properly.
Therefore, these journalistic alliterations are an appeal

By Philip
Slomovitz

that the Israeli offers for peaceful negotiations should not
be ignored and abused at the same time. This sounds like a
contradiction but that's how the issue is being treated: by
being ignored when facts speak louder than the Cairean
demands and are abused because of a sort of gang-up on .

Begin.
It took a long time to effect dramatization of the
Holocaust. Perhaps it must take long also to assure the
need for justice for Israel.

`Operation Thunderbolt':
Superb Entebbe Action Film

Much has been written, many films have been made,
describing the courage of the Entebbe rescue. The latest
Israel-made film, "Operation Thunderbolt," gives a new
perspective to the historic event. Brilliantly directed by
Menahem Golan, enacted by an able cast, the new film, due
to open here May 10 at the Maple III Theaters, has the high
merit of accuracy and of enactment of all the events that
marked a continuity of tensions and of threatened immense
tragedy that was averted because there was courage in
Israel and a determination that Jews will not be sacrificed
like cattle under threat of terrorism.
Coming here soon after the TV Holocaust program which
depicted savagery that remained unchallenged for more
than a decade, "Operation Thunderbolt" has the contrary
appeal to a generation that adopts the slogan - Never
Again." The lesson of the Holocaust is the noteworthy
Israeli film. The evidences of the Nazi terror were among
both the hijacking terrorists, who included German. and
the hijacked, among whom were survivors from the concen-
tration camps. The lesson is a clear one. It is one of resis-
tance and - Operation Thunderbolt," which must been seen
by all who appreciate the courage of the resistance, adds
strength to the refusal to yield to tyranny.

Irma Lindheim, Remarkable
Lady With Pioneering Spirit

Irma Lindheim was a remarkable lady, with a pioneering
spirit. The mere fact that she was Henrietta Szold's suc-
cessor to the presidency of Hadassah is emphasis on her
early association with the Zionist movement.
She has played a leading role in the affairs of the Zionist
Organization of America and later joined the Labor Zionist
Movement. This, too, was a natural for her, since she had
settled in pre-Israel Palestine with her five children and
continued her Zionist work in Israel and in contacts with
Zionists in the United States from her home in Mishmar
HaEmek.
Mrs. Lindheim defied many obstacles. There were
tragedies in her life, but there was courage in her heart and
she hurtled many obstacles.
Israel and Zionism were the chief concerns of this in-
teresting woman who carried on many traditions, includ-
ing those of the philanthropies of the Guggenheims from
whom she was descended. Hadassah, Israel, Zionism owe
her a great debt. The Jewries of Israel and the U.S. respect
her labors and honor her memory.

A Salute to Native Detroiter
Irwin Field, New UJA Chairman

An unusual mark of recognition for devoted labors for
Israel goes to the native Detroiter, Irwin S. Field.
His election to the national chairmanship of the United
Jewish Appeal evidences the important role played by the
younger generation in tasks for Israel, for world Jewry and
in the ranks of the devoted who had their training here.
Irwin Field follows in the footsteps of his parents, the
Walter Fields. He was among the pioneers in the Young
Leadership ranks of the UJA and the recognition given him
as the selectee for the-major post in the philanthropic func-
tions in Israel's behalf denotes that the realistic leadership
planning is bearing fruit. A congratulatory message to
Irwin Field makes the Greater Detroit Jewish community,
the Allied Jewish Campaign and the Jewish Welfare Fed-
eration partners in the national acclaim for the accom-
plishments of constituency that ranks impressively.

Nazism Without the `Neo'
Menace of the Rising Tide

Christians wearing the Yellow Star are providing a
measure of comfort that the re-emerging Hitlerian menace
will be rejected and will be effectively exposed. Yet there is
an apparent problem in treating the revived bigotry as
neo"-Nazism. Under such terminology the apparent
danger of a growing Nazism has been estimated as an
exaggeration. Concerned Germans in West Germany
maintain that only a handful of anti-Semites are involved
in demonstrative movements to revive Nazi ideology.
In reality, the reborn Hitlerites do not even wish to be
called "neo" Nazis. They insist they are Nazis. It is as such
that their emergence into public life must be judged. They
are the outright inheritors of the Hitler menace. They ad-
vocate savagery. It is as such that they must be treated.
Perhaps this is a new period in history to say: beware!

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