34 Friday, September 12, 1975
THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS
`The Kissinger Experience'
No Change Seen in Arab Attitude Toward Israel
kEditor's note: The fol-
lowing article was ex-
cerpted from a chapter in
Gil Carl Alroy's new book,
"The Kissinger Experi-
ence," published by Hori-
zon Press.)
By GIL CARL ALROY
The Egyptian attack in
October (1973) was widely
explained as aimed just at
recovering the Sinai and
Secretary Kissinger ex-
pressed his sympathetic
understanding for this.
In Cairo's Al-Ahram a
man known to speak often
the mind of_Egypt's leader-
ship gave quite another mo-
tive: "The issue," wrote Mo-
hammed Hassanein Haikal
on October 19, 1973, "is not
just the liberation of the
Arab territories occupied
since June 5, 1967, but
strikes against the future of
Israel more powerfully and
in a more profound manner,
although this is not obvious
right now.
"That means that if the
Arabs are able to liberate
their territories occupied
since June 5, 1967 by force,
what can prevent them in
the next stage to liberate
Palestine itself by force?"
Whereas in the United
States the vaunted Secu-
rity Council Resolution 242
was believed to outline a
final and complete settle-
ment of the Arab-Israeli
conflict and thought to be
accepted by the Arabs as
such, this was in fact
never the case.
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In the Arab world "242"
was under-stood to be ad-
dressed only to the losses
suffered in 1967, not to the
cause of Palestine.
For Egypt the problem
was "liquidating the results
of the June '67 aggression
(recovery of territorial
losses) without losing sight
of the aim of liquidating the
results of the aggression of
May '48 (establishment of
the Jewish state)."
The Palestinian fedayeen
were meanwhile free and
able to shoot straight for the
latter goal. In one of many
such instances, Nasser re-
ferred to the fedayeen• on
January 20, 1969, in the
National Assembly, "They
are entitled to reject this
resolution (242), which may
serve the purpose of elimi-
nating the consequences of
the aggression carried out in
June, 1967, but is inade-
quate for determining the
Palestine fate."
"Egypt risks nothing,"
argued Haikal, "by attempt-
ing first of all to solve the
first phase by political
means. The same does not
apply to Israel.
"If the Arabs wish to
retract their agreement to
the Security Council reso-
lution, it is easy for them
to do so by a single word.
But if Israel should wish
to retract the implementa-
tion of this resolution, it
will have to fight a new
war in order to occupy
again the territories it will
have evacuated in accord-
ance with the resolution."
Thus, Egypt's declared
readiness, in February 1971,
for a "peaceful agreement"
with Israel, which stunned
the West, did not in fact
represent a material change
in policy, Haikal explained
on February 26.
The use of the term
"peace" in the Arab con-
text is another example of
the earlier cited fallacy of
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as the defeat of the Gaull-
ists in the French presi-
dential campaign.
The view that the Jews
engineered Nixon's down-
fall, as punishment for his
late turn toward the Arabs,
is widespread in the Arab
world.
Ahmed Zaki al-Yamani,
the Saudi Minister whom
some Americans regard as
the epitome of a new, ra-
tional Arab man, explained
to a group of American not-
ables in New York that the
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equivalents in the two civi-
lizations. The fact that
Arabs do not think of war
and peace in either/or
fashion, as Westerners do,
and indeed regard pro-
tracted warfare as nor-
mal, is mirrored in their
multiple and flexible con-
ceptions of "peace."
The term they have used
in connection with the
American "peace initiative"
is salaam, meaning less
than real peace, and is more
closely equivalent to our
notion of an armistice.
Sulh, or real peace, has
been emphatically ruled out
by the Arabs and is not used
to refer to the present diplo-
matic activity.
Having ignored the strat-
egy of phases our press
could hardly fail to an-
nounce utopia upon hearing
"peace," whose meaning it
equally ignores.
It is all the more un-
likely that the people of
America understand the
emotive, symbolic content
and rationale of Arab
strategy. The fact is that
settlement of the trau-
matic defeat of 1967 had
itself assumed the nature
of a test of the Arab cause.
"October" signifies in the
Arab world the beginning of
the end of Zionism, as Sadat
himself has repeatedly af-
firmed. The idea that it
means the start of concilia-
- don with it would strike Ar-
abs as preposterous and
abusive.
Even more disturbing
perhaps is the continuation
in the Arab world, including
Egypt, of anti-Jewish agita-
tion of both the traditional
Muslim and the modern
European kinds.
It is idle to dwell on the
fact that the several Arabic
editions of the hoax The
Protocols of the Elders of
Zion, of Adolf Hitler's Mein
Kampf and other notorious
anti-Jewish tracts have not
been removed from books-
tores or libraries, since new
ones are appearing along-
side the old.
Anti-semitic items appear
randomly in the Arab press.
Beirut's Al-Bairak, in a re-
port from Damascus on
June 26, 1974, described a
meeting there between Le-
banese politicians and Syr-
ian leaders, including Presi-
dent Assaci, Foreign
Minister Haddam and rank-
ing Baath party officials.
To a Syrian suggestion
that "the Arabs remember
Hitler favorably," a Le-
continued embargo on oil
shipments to the Nether-
lands was to punish the
Dutch for sending their
troops to fight the Arabs in
the October War, a stunned
participant related to this
Writer.
GIL CARL ALROY
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banese guest replied that
"he would have saved us
from the Zionists." (Sadat
himself, as already men-
tioned, once published a
eulogy for the Fuhrer in an
Egyptian journal.)
The struggle with Israel
is, in the popular mind, the
lingering struggle with a
people demeaned and
damned for all times, even
since the days of the Pro-
phet.
A pamphlet distributed to
Egyptian troops in the Octo-
ber War calls on them to kill
the vicious outcasts of hu-
mankind everywhere.
Even the sophisticated
Arab leaders still betray a
startling mentality in this
connection. The old con-
viction that the Jews run
the world is not dead; they
are invariably "dis-
covered" behind any unto-
ward development.
On May 10, 1974, the
chief editor of the Cairo
weekly Akhbar al-Yom,
Ihsan Abd al-Quddous, a.
confidant of Sadat, ex-
plained that Israel was
behind the Watergate af-
fair. the security scandal
In West Germany which
led to the resignation of
Chancellor Brandt, as well
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