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July 12, 1974 - Image 6

Resource type:
Text
Publication:
The Detroit Jewish News, 1974-07-12

Disclaimer: Computer generated plain text may have errors. Read more about this.

USSR Rabbi at Kremlin Reception

(Continued from Page 1)
Soviet Jewry. When asked
what he and the President
talked about, the rabbi — in
Yiddish — replied assuringly:
"Everything will be all
right."
He added that the Ameri-
can-Soviet summit was an-
other step forward in easing
tensions between the two
countries. He also indicated
that discussion is always far
better than silence.
Earlier, Dr. Kissinger said
the subject of Soviet Jewry
had been discussed during
t h e summit. Presidential
Chief of Staff Gen. Alexan-
der Haig was more cautious:
"I'm not saying we did, or
we did not . . ." But Haig
added: "From the moment
we arrived here, it was clear,

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peoples in the Mideast, in-
cluding the Palestinian peo-
ple, and the right to exist-
ence of all states in the
area."
He noted that as co-chair-
men of the Geneva Peace
Conference on the Mideast,
the U.S. and the USSR con-
sider it important that the
conference resume its work
as soon as possible, with the
question of other participants
from the Mideast area to be
discussed at the conference.
Asked if his Mideast state-
ment now suggests a change
in U. S. policy, possibly—as
the Soviets desired—advocat-
ing the seating of the Pales-
tinians at the Geneva Peace
Conference, Dr. Kissinger re-
plied: "Absolutely not. It
means that the sentence
about the problem of the par-
ticipation of others from__the
Middle East is verbatim
(drawn from the original let-
ter of invitation to the Gen-
eva Conference) and it adds
not one word to the original
letter in which the invitation
was extended to the parties
that are now at the Geneva
Conference."
According to Gen. Haig,
numerous arrangements for
followup actions have been
4 made as a sequel to the Mid-
dle East journey.

that this meeting was as im-
portant, far more important
to them than to us . . ."
"There was a discussion of
the subject," Dr. Kissinger
said, "and I will have to
maintain the position that we
believe that the objective
which we think we share with
those who have other ap-
proaches can, in our judg-
ment, be realized more effec-
tively without making it a
public government-to-govern-
ment confrontation."
He added that he would dis-
cuss the matter with mem-
bers of Congress who are
interested. "But, as I have
consistently stated, I will not
discuss the subject publicly."
Was any progress made
during the summit talks on
the Mideast situation? Dr.
Kissinger said that both the
United States and the USSR
believe that the removal of
the danger of war and tension
is a task of paramount im-
portance and urgency.
"Therefore, the only alter-
native is the achievement on
the basis of United Nations
Security Council Resolution
338, of a just and lasting
peace settlement in which
should be taken into account
the legitimate interests of all

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British Promises to Arabs on Palestine
Fraudulently Extracted, Says Prof

NEW YORK — "The idea
that Palestine was a 'twice
promised land'—first to the
Arabs and later to the Jews—
can now be dismissed as a
myth," according to Prof.
Isaiah Friedman of Dropsie
University, who was given a
1974 National Jewish Book
Award by the JWB Jewish
Book Council for his work
on the subject.
As far as the Arabs are
concerned, "promises given
by the British were extracted
fraudulently," Prof. Fried-
man shows in his prize-win-
ning book, "The Question of
Palestine: 1914-1918: British-
Jewish-Arab Relations"
(Schocken Books).
In ' "The Question of Pal-
estine," Professor Friedman
has made use of important
documentary and archival
m a t er i a 1, not previously
available, to present a clear
understanding of international
relations in the Middle East
during the First World War.
One of the highlights of 'the
book is his revelation of the
true motivation of British
policy towards the Zionist
movement when the Balfour
Declaration was issued.
Turning to the Balfour
Declaration, which promised
"a home for the Jewish
people," Dr. Friedman writes,
"Sentiment did not determine
British policy. The Declara-
tion would' hardly have been
made unless it had been the
considered judgment of the
foreign office and the war
cabinet that it was clearly in
the British interest to do so.
"For Britain, the acquisi-
tion of Palestine was an ir-
reducible strategic require-
ment, and in 1917 an Allied
victory was by no means
certain.
"A British-oriented Jewish
National Home, it was
thought, could be a major
asset, and conversely an ob-
stacle to German ambitions
in that vital region. But even
if the Central Powers were
decisively defeated ; acclaim
based on military conquest
alone would have been Mad-
missable . . . The only course
open to the Western Allies
was to link their war aims
with the principle of self-de-
termination. Zionism freed
the British of any annexa-
tionist taint and helped to
legitimize their presence in
Palestine, which otherwise
would have been based solely
on military conquest.
"Thus British had a great
stake in winning the good
will of world Jewry and, had
the Zionists pressed harder,
they could have, in by view,
secured a more meaningful
declaration.
"It appears that the origi-
nal intention of the British
government was that the
Jewish National Home would
serve as a stepping-stone to-

ward a Jewish State, though scene as a nation at least
it was up to the Jews them- 50 years late."
selves to make it a reality. ,
The Balfour Declaration was
no more than a chance."
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