Scanned image of the page. Keyboard directions: use + to zoom in, - to zoom out, arrow keys to pan inside the viewer.

Page Options


Something wrong?

Something wrong with this page? Report problem.

Rights / Permissions

The University of Michigan Library provides access to these materials for educational and research purposes. These materials may be under copyright. If you decide to use any of these materials, you are responsible for making your own legal assessment and securing any necessary permission. If you have questions about the collection, please contact the Bentley Historical Library at bentley.ref@umich.edu

September 07, 1973 - Image 2

Resource type:
The Detroit Jewish News, 1973-09-07

Disclaimer: Computer generated plain text may have errors. Read more about this.

Purely Commentary

Israel's Sad Role in the United Nations and the
Powers' Tragic Resort to Double-Talk . . . Status
of Palestinians and Proposals for Concessions

By Philip

Bias Against Israel at UN and in the ICAO . .. Proposals for Concessions to Palestinians

Israel may have earned the latest rebuke, from the International Civil Aviation
Organization, for having intercepted the Lebanese plane in the hope of capturing
Dr. George Habash. We didn't like that operation and we said so. It was an error.
In search for heroics, it could have been another sensation had Habash not cancelled
his trip on that plane.
The manner, however, in which the censure was enacted reiterated an estab-
lished prejudice. Israel doesn't have a chance in a world organization that is domi-
nated by an Arab-Communist bloc for whom every opportunity to condemn Israel
is welcomed; in an organization of nearly all the countries of the world that is
dominated by the Big Five, not a single one of whom speaks frankly on all occasions
to indicate the injustices practiced against Israel. This includes the United States,
for whom expediency in world diplomacy is a compulsion. It includes the two great
friends of Israel—Britain and France—whose delegates have been knifing the Israelis
whenever there is a chance for them to curry favor from Communists and Arabs.
What's the solution? The Waldheim mission appears to be another flop. What's
to be done to end the rift? The oil interests are ganging up: will the V. S. yield to
blackmail? Israel won't move an inch from occupied territory without prior negotia-
tions for which there is essential at least a gesture from Arabs that the annihilation
threats from terrorists will not be condoned, that Israel's existence is a basic fact
in Middle East affairs, that Israelis will be met face-to-face by Arab potentates
willing to end the rift?
They may or may not be answerable questions, and there is another supreme
query, one that is posed by Israelis as much as by Arabs: what's Israel ready to do,
and will Israel acknowledge the right of Arabs among them who are grouped as a
factor called Palestinians?
This is not an idle issue. While demands for positive declarations in behalf of
the Palestinlans come from a very small group of Israelis, they do represent a vital
element not to be ignored.
Among the chief supporters of some efforts in behalf of the Palestinians are
Arie Eliav, a member of the Knesset and the former secretary general of the Israel
Labor Party, whose government roles included the first secretaryship of the Israel
embassy in Moscow before Israel-USSR relations were broken; and Dean Amnon
Rubenstein of the law faculty of Tel Aviv University.
The latter had been invited on several occasions to describe his views in
special articles published in the New York Times. In a recent NYTimes Op-Edit
Page essay which he entitled "The Middle East: Words, Words, Words," he dealt
with the refugee problem, indicating that while Israel welcomed the hundreds of
thousands who fled from Moslem countries and established them in Israeli homes,
the Arab countries perpetuated the status of their refugees as innocent victims of
the Arab-Jewish conflict. He also defined the role of the terrorists and concerned
himself with the Palestinian question.
He advances these reasons for judging the role of the Palestinians seriously:
"The term Palestinian should be defined carefully. Palestine, as originally
defined and delineated by the League of Nations, includes both the east and west
banks of the Jordan River. This is not a legal quibble. The population of the East
Bank is made up mostly of Palestinians—an estimated '70 per cent—and the bulk of
Palestinian business and industry is concentrated east of the Jordan River. It is
utterly wrong to imagine a Bedouin-supported monarchy pitched against submissive
Palestinian refugees. About one-third of the Jordanian Army is made un of Palestinians
and many of them were prominent in the bombardment of the refugee camps in
the Black September of 1970. In the new Jordanian Cabinet, nine out of 18 ministers
are Palestinians and the Premier, Zaid Al Riffai, is of Palestinian descent. The civil
service, as well as business and trade, is heavily dominated by Palestinians.
Palestinian members of Jordan's Parliament travel regularly from the West Bank
to Amman where orders and salaries are issued to the civil service in the West Bank.
It is wrong to describe the Palestinians as a monolithic body which supports G,he
Palestinian guerrillas and opposes the repressive regime of King Hussein."

Another 'Jewish Vote' Fable Relating to the Russian Issues

careful analysis of Soviet to support the White House
opposition to the amend-
Thanks, J. F. Ter Horst, ment.
Secondly, when juggling
for at least treating us to
the world "probably" in this the "Jewish vote," in the
speculative a nalysis of instance of the Jackson
American politics. Not to be Amendment, the least that
overlooked, however, are can be expected is an indi-
two facts: First, it is not a cation that in Senator Hen-
majority of the senatorial ry M. Jackson's home state
strength that favors the there are fewer than 15,000
Jackson Amendment but 77 Jews, and that the only
out of the 120 senators, and states with sizable Jewish
many of the 23 undoubtedly populations are New York,
are following a party line Pennsylvania,Massa-
chusetts, New Jersey. Cali-
fornia, Illinois—with Michi-
gan, Wisconsin, Rhode Is-
Six Jews in American Cabinets
and Connecticut hav-
Let there be the proper
ing sizable Jewish commu-
acknowledgment of an over-
sight in listing Jewish mem-
Is the entire country mo-
bers of American presiden-
tivated by a "political po-
tial cabinets.
tency of the Jewish vote?"
An important name was
We question and challenge
missed — that of Arthur
it and consider emphasis on
Goldberg who served as sec-
such a fable as a bit unfair.
retary of labor in President
Kennedy's cabinet. He was
elevated by President Ken-
Oil and Blackmail
nedy to the U. S. Supreme
The Lincolnesque warning
Court, and he acceded to
that you can't fool all of the
President Johnson's call to
people all of the time may
serve as U. S. delegate to
prove applicable again in
the United Nations.
the tackling the so-called
Thus — there were six
energy crisis. Arabs' and
Jews in U. S. and Confed-
oil interest roles already
erate cabinets: Judah Phil-
are branded as blackmail.
ip Benjamin, the Confed-
Perhaps Israel's difficulty
erate; Oscar Straus, Henry
will prove a boon for man-
Morgenthau Jr., Abraham
kind: that a way will be
Ribicoff and Arthur Gold-
found to resist the Arab ar-
berg—and now Henry Kis-
rogance. Oil-rich potentates
may yet find themselves
2—Friday, September 7, 1973 THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS fooled by their own greed.

Once again we are con-
fronted with the specula-
tion over "the Jewish vote."
A Detroit News correspond-
ent, writing from Washing-
ton with an allusion to an
"impasse" over the Jack-
son Amendment, expresses
the view that the backing
for the amendment by an
array of senators and con-
gressmen, "probably has
more to do with the polit-
ical potency of the Jewish
vote in the U. S. than a

Prof. Rubenstein's conclusions are:
"It is necessary that one should make a distinction between three different
types of people who are parties to the present conflict—the Palestinians, who should
be given the right of self-determination, the refugees, who deserve the long-awaited
rehabilitation, and the small band of terrorists masquerading as guerrillas who should
be treated as a menace to the civilized community."
The first two items present a big bill for Israelis to cover. Yet, the issue must
be confronted fearlessly and realistically. It need not be debated publicly to the
point of arousing added hatreds and difficulties. But it must be considered in all
Arie Eliav advocates the establishment of a Palestinian Arab state. He spec'
conditions: that such a state must accept certain temporary conditions to ass,
Israel's security; Arab military are not to be permitted to move west of an agreed
line; Gaza strip is to be separated from Egypt. He thus presented his argument in
support of the Palestinians:
"I believe an Israeli declaration on the
to them. For this reason it is only pos-
future Palestinian Arab state, along the
sible to return these areas after Egypt
lines I have outlined, would create a tre-
mendous impression, not only among the
makes a binding and unequivocal declara-
Palestinians themselves, but also among tion that it intends to seek a lasting peace
with us and is prepared to sit round a
the Arabs as a whole. Whether they like
table with Israeli representatives and dis-
it or not, the Arabs would be forced to
cuss precisely how the peninsula should he
admit in the course of time that Israel is
returned to it, stage by stage, without any
ready to restore the Palestinian Arabs'
risks of a new military conflict. If they
rights to them and to make far-reaching
will not or cannot bring themselves to
concessions for the sake of peace. The
Arabs would also realize that any demand negotiate with us face to face, yet continue
for further concessions by Israel, such as' to demand that we return this huge land
base to them, with all its airfields, ports,
surrendering territory within its original
roads and installations, then we are fully
boundaries or taking back refugees, will
entitled to suspect their motives.
be interpreted by Israel as expressing a
continued desire to annihilate it
"The entire Sinai Peninsula will have
"The question of Jerusalem is perhaps
to be neutralized and cleared of Israeli
the most complex and sensitive of all. In
and Egyptian soldiers. This cannot be ar-
my opinion, we should state clearly that
ranged through a third party. Both the
the entire city of Jerusalem, in its unified
Arabs and ourselves have had bitter ex-
form, is now and will remain the capital
perience of third parties in our region:
of Israel. It will never be divided again,
Turkey, France, Britain, the United Na-
and its streets and buildings will not be
tions, the United States, the Soviet Union.
exposed once more to snipers and ma-
And we will certainly not agree that any
chinegunners. This price — and it is a
of these guarantees the neutrality of the
heavy one—will have to be paid by the
peninsula. The only possible guarantee is
Palestinian Arabs in return for peace
a mutual one, by Egypt and Israel. Egypt
with us.
will want to supervise movement along
"A solution to the delicate religious and
Israel's borders, as Cairo is afraid of an-
nationalist problem of the Arab Moslems
other invasion. By the same token, Israel
could possibly be found by creating a ter-
will want to guard itself against the pos-
ritorial corridor from the Palestinian Arab
sibility of an Egyptian attack.
state to Jerusalem. This corridor could
As far as the Golan Heights are con-
end in the area sacred to Islam, where
our attitude springs from two con-
the future Palestinian Arab state could
siderations: the need to ensure security,
exercise sovereign control over the
and the recognition of historic settlement
mosques and other Moslem religious in-
rights. For the foreseeable future Israel
stitutions. The flags of this state would
will have to maintain milita y control of
fly over these buildings, demonstrating
the hills overlooking its settlements. Even
their independent status. This possible so-
in the era of unconventional warfare which
lution to the problem ef Jerusalem could,
we can expect in the 1970s and 1980s, can-
however, be reached only after the con-
nons poised above our heads will still be
clusion of an overall peace agreement,
dangerous. The best solution would be a
not at the onset of negotiations.
partition of the Golan Heights, so that
"What practical steps can Israel take
Syria and Israel could establish set-
today to hasten the moment of peace and
tlements in the area. (The small number
of Syrian refugees displaced during the
"Firstly, by speaking out loudly and
1967 fighting would be able to return to
clearly, and not remaining silent or stam-
their farms, which could be modernized.)
mering vague phrases. We should try to
As in the case of the Palestinian Arabs
talk with anyone who claims to represent
and Egypt, this solution• would be arrived
the Arabs of Palestine—whether they live
at stage by stage, and would include pro-
in the occupied territories or in Jordan,
visions for neutralizing the area and main-
whether they are guerrillas in our prisons
taining joint patrols which would superf
or young Palestinians in other Arab coun-
vise the peace agreements.
tries and in Europe.
"We do not want to live with slavish
"We should be ready to declare that in
principle the Sinai Peninsula is Egyptian and obedient Arab neighbors, but with
and not Israeli. At the same time, we proud and upright men. We must play our
should stress to the Egyptians that the part in raising their morale—not by ref (.
Suez Canal, Sharm el-Sheikh and the en- ing our struggle against those among thel_
tire peninsula are vital for our security, who take up arms against us, but by en-
and that we are afraid they would try to , couraging their elemental right to national
attack us after this territory is returned self-expression and an independent, sover-
eign state of their own."
The problem created by the Eliav proposals is that it reads like a text for a
peace treaty, and such an accord is not permissible to an individual. It is the respon-
sibility of the two governments involved in the conflict.
Yet, there is so much more related to the issue, there is so much concern in
Jewish ranks over the Middle East's future status, that the proposals for concessions
to Palestinians must not be ignored. Golda Meir, Moshe Dayan and other members of
the Israel government have rejected the very idea of recognition of a Palestinian
entity. Those who oppose dealing with Palestinians claim that they already have a
state—in Jordan. The more moderate and the more liberal elements think otherwise.
They believe peace is worth the price of recognition of the Palestinians.
Arabs in Israel and occupied territories have never had it so beneficial to their
economy as under Israel's administration. Terrorists no longer operate in Gaza or
in Nablus. Perpetuation of a state of economic progress and security is desired by
all involved. Arabs in Israel will protest politically, especially if a Waldheim visits
with them. Otherwise they hope for non-interruption of the blessings they enjoy.
There is need for further steps: these include approaches to peace, making con-
cessions, recognizing the Palestinians if necessary. If such concessions will lead to
an end to the troubles, a cessation of diplomatic double-talk and prejudices in the
world organization—thus also saving the honor of the United Nations—why not offer
the gestures and then enact as many as possible? Peace is worth price of collaboration
with the enemy—always, however, under conditions of seeking mutual accord. As
long es the Arabs refuse even to meet with Israelis, what hope is there of conces-
sions and gestures?

Back to Top

© 2021 Regents of the University of Michigan