Joint U.S.-Israel Role in Jordan Eyed
(Continued from Page 1)
military operations were worked
out between Washington and Jeru-
salem at the height of the Jor-
danian civil war when Syrian in-
vaders, supporting the Palestinian
fedayeen, captured Irbid, Jordan's
second largest city and threatened
the capital, Amman.
Welles said the plan envisioned
Israeli air and ground attacks on
the Syrian armored force while
the U. S. Sixth Fleet and other
units guarded Israel's flanks
against attack by Egyptian and
Soviet forces from the Suez
Canal area. The U. S. was
also said to be prepared to drop
paratroops on the Amman air-
port, followed up by airborne in-
fantry and equipment.
President Nixon was in personal
charge of the plans on the Ameri-
can end and was in contact with
the Israeli government by cable
and in round-the-clock consulta-
tions at the White House, Welles
reported. He said the events
were reconstructed from interviews
with State and Defense depart-
ment officials, members of domes-
tic and foreign intelligence corps,
Arab and Israeli diplomats in
Washington and r e p o r t s from
Times correspondents in Beirut,
Cairo, Jerusalem, Moscow, the
United Nations and with the Sixth
Fleet
Indirect confirmation that the
U. S. did plan some sort of action
to rescue King Hussein emerged in
Washington from remarks by Sen.
J. William Fulbright, chairman, of
the Foreign Relations Committee
and Sen. John Stennis, chairman of
the Senate Armed Services Com-
mittee. Speaking at a seminar
sponsored by the American Enter-
prise Institute, Sen. Fulbright, a
frequent critic of administration
policy, complained that the Presi-
dent failed to consult Congress on
his plans to meet the Jordanian
crisis.
The senators responded to ques-
tions by the Jewish Telegraphic
Agency's Washington correspon-
dent Sen. Fulbright claimed that
there had been no reason to inter-
vene In Jordan and that the Presi-
dent bad ample time to consult
with Congress on the plans he did
make.
' Sen. Stennis said the U. S. bad
been involved "in a bit of gunboat
diplomacy" but noted that "we
didn't mobilize" for the Jordanian
crisis.
Observers here tended to re-
gard the Times story as substan-
tially correct and attributed its
appearance to the Nixon adminis-
tration's desire to impress the
Soviet Union that the U. S. is
prepared to me force to protect
its interests is the Middle East.
Some observers detected domes-
tic political overtones in the ad-
ministration's apparent eagerness
to publicize its purported plans
now that the Jordanian crisis has
abated. One Washington commen-
tator observed that the White
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House was trying to create the
image that President Nixon, sin-
gle-handedly, forced the Syrian
armor to retreat from Jordan. He
said the administration was ignor-
ing the primary role played by
King Hussein's army and the sec-
ondary role of Israel which station-
ed a tank column on the Golan
Heights border as a warning to
Syria. One source observed that in
any foreign crisis, contingehcy
plans of action by the U. S. are
worked out as a matter of routine
and that the story given to the
Times was an attempt to drama-
tize the most sensational of the
plans developed during the Jor-
danian crisis for political reasons.
Welles wrote that "The bond be-
tween the United States and Israel
in this crisis was their joint deter-
mination that King Hussein must
not be overthrown by outside in-
tervention in Jordan because they
assumed he would be replaced by
a regime closely linked to Mos-
cow." There was also a feeling in
Washington that Israel would
strike on its own If Syrian forces
had continued to penetrate into Jor-
dan, Welles said.
He said there was no written
agreement for joint action by the
two countries because events
moved too rapidly. "Each gov-
ernment relied on the other's
oral pledges for coordinated mili-
tary action," Welles wrote. He
said that both sides recognized
certain contingencies that would
have compelled them to put their
plan into action. These included
re-enforcement by Syria of the
original 250-tank force it sent
Into Jordan during the night of
Sept. WM; participation of the
Syrian air force in the fighting;
and intervention by Iraqi forces
stationed in Jordan against King
Hussein.
Welles wrote: "The plan was de-
fensive . . . At no time, sources
here insist, did Israel contemplate
attacking any targets except the
two Syrian tank brigades ... None
of the sources suggest that Israel's
action would have been other than
defensive — aimed, that is, at pre-
venting the overthrow of King Hus-
sein - - . There have been no sug-
gestions that the Israeli action
would have led to the acquisition
of additional Jordanian territory by
IsraeL At no time, it is said, did
the United States contemplate at-
tacks on Arabs—let alone Russians
—except to protect Israel."
Sen. Fulbright said he believed
the Zionists have "great power" in
the Congress of the United States.
He explained his recent proposal
for a security treaty between the
United -States and Israel as a
means to codify and limit "a de
facto obligation" of the U. S. gov-
ernment Sen. Fulbright advanced
his views in remarks prepared for
delivery and in impromptu replies
to questions by the Jewish Tele-
graphic Agency's Washington cor-
respondent at a seminar on "The
Role of Congress in Foreign Pol-
icy" sponsored by the American
Enterprise Institute for Public Re-
search organization. Sen. Stennis
also spoke.
Sen Fulbright's reference to the
influence of Zionists in Congress
was made during a discussion of
the recent amendment to the Sen-
ate's foreign military procurement
bill proposed by Sen. Robert M.
Jackson of Washington, which au-
thorizes the President to provide
unlimited military and economic
aid to Israel. An amendment spon-
sored by Sen. Fulbright that would
have deleted the Jackson provi-
sion from the legislation was de-
feated 87-7. Asked by the JTA
whether he thought the seven who
favored the Fulbright amendment
were more correct in their Inter-
pretation of the Constitution than
the 87 who opposed It, the senator
said the vote "demonstrates the
great power the Zionists have in
our Congress."
Sen. Fulbright added that there
is "no precedent for the unlimited
amounts" of aid for Israel provided
by the Jackson amendment. A
military procurement bill confirm-
,
ing the Israel aid provision was
subsequently passed in the House
by a vote of 341-11. Asked why so
many congressmen wanted to sup-
port the Zionists, the Arkansas
Democrat replied, "I don't know
what is in the minds of my col-
leagues." Asked to comment on
Sen. Fulbrigbt's remarks on the
Zionist influence, Sen. Stennis
would say only that the Israel aid
amendment "had a very good vote
in the Armed Services Committee"
and was "very well supported" in
the Senate-House conference. In
his prepared remarks, Sen. Ful-
bright said his proposed U. S.-Is-
rael security pact was motivated
by fear that the "war-making
power has been passing out of the
hands of Congress." The senator,
a long-time critic of the war in
Vietnam, said that "simply by re-
peating again and again that we
have an obligation to someone or
other, we have come in a number
of instances to suppose that our
word and even our national honor
are involved as completely as they
would be by duly ratified treaties."
He went on, "Such has been the
case with both Israel and South
Vietnam, to take the two most con-
spicuous recent examples." Sen.
Fulbright added, "I recently sug-
gested that the United States con-
clude a security treaty with Israel
on certain specific conditions, not
in the belief that we would be con-
tracting a new obligation but, quite
frankly, for the purpose of codify-
ing and limiting a de facto obliga-
tion."
Pause
The pause—that impressive si-
lence, that eloquent silence, that
geometrically progressive silence
which often achieves a desired
effect where no combination of
words howsoever felicitous could
accomplish it—Mark Twain.
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