Warnings of
Anti-Semitism
in Israel's
Crisis:
Errors of
Flanders and
New Republic
E ditorial
Page 4
E JEWISH NEWS
A Weekly Review
of Jewish Events
Michigan's Only English-Jewish Newspaper—Incorporating The Detroit Jewish Chronicle
VOLUME XXXI I I—No. 23
100r U nionn Shop 17100 W. 7 Mile Rd.—VE 8-9364—Detroit 35, August 8, 1958
Medieval
Yemen Gets
Military Power
What Has
Happened to
the Shekel?
Commentary
Page 2
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British Attempts to Set Up
Israel as Bogey Attributed
to Ban on Troop Overflights
Latest Cabled JTA Reports on Middle East Situation to The Jewish News
Israel apparently yielded to pressure from the United States to renew concessions to Great Britain for overflight transportation
of paratroopers to Jordan. But prior to the renewal of such permission it became known that Israel's ban on the overflights was occasioned
not by the note from Soviet Russia but by British attempts to set Israel up as a bogey in the present crisis.
British spokesmen said that they believed it to be contrary to Israel's interests
that Jordan be allowed to be isolated, and it is admitted that unless supplies continue
SOVIET
to pour into Amman over the Israel air route British forces may be withdrawn from
UNION
Jordan.
But the Israel sources say that the addition of a few thousand more British troops
cannot keep Jordan from disintegrating, nor Gamal Abdel Nasser from expanding.
Three weeks ago, Israel permitted the first British overflights of paratroopers in
the hope that the landings in Lebanon and Jordan represented the beginning of
determined Western efforts to block further Nasser advances. This has not happened,
(Continued on Page 32)
Soviet Map Reveals Aim to Reduce Israel's
Territory; Deny B-G Asked USSR Meeting
JORDAN
SAUDI ARABIA
Map shows the original flight of British paratroops
over a corner of Israel on the way to Amman. U. S. air-
borne troops landed at the big NATO airport at Adana
in southern Turkey, while Russia sent troops, planes and
tanks to the borders of Turkey and Iran.
JERUSALEM, (JTA)—A new Soviet map of the Palestine area received here seems to indi-
cate a Soviet political desire to divide pieces of Israel's territory among its Arab neighbors.
Theoretically based on the 1947 United Nations partition decision, the map throws all of
Jerusalem and central Palestine into Jordan territory. It also colors parts of the Negev, the
Gaza Strip and pieces of Western Galilee in the same shade as Egypt.
Historically, the map has little in common with the UN partition decision. The Gaza Strip,
central Palestine and several areas of the Negev and Galilee occupied by Israel after the Arab
states invaded the Jewish State in 1948, were all supposed to be part of an independent Arab
state of Palestine. This state died aborning, torn to bits by the invading Arab armies which
attached huge sections of it to Jordan and to Egypt.
The other error in the Soviet map is that Jerusalem was ordered internationalized by the
UN, not tossed into Jordan's lap. When the war on this front ended in a stalemate, Israel and
Jordan remained in occupation of the areas which their troops held and neither has advanced
a political claim to the other's sector.
(JTA reports that the Israel Consulate in New York has denied press reports that Premier
Ben-Gurion asked Soviet Premier Nikita S. Khrushchev to arrange a meeting between him and
Col. Nasser, of the United Arab Republic.)
iliamniarskjoi 4: Steward of the Middle Fast
By SAUL CARSON
JTA Correspondent at the United Nation4
(Copyright, 1958, Jewish Telegraphic Agency, Inc.)
UNITED NATIONS, N.Y.— Dag Hammarskj old
has now taken over personal stewardship for the
entire Middle East. No Security Council mandate
has placed him in special charge of the area, nor
has there been a General Assenibly resolution
making him personally responsible for the region.
But the Secretary General possesses extremely
broad powers under the UN charter. It is up to
him to exercise such powers or to ignore their
existence. Hammarskjold has chosen the former
course.
Furthermore, he has given the United Nations
ample warning of his choice. For the fourth time,
he has told the Council virtually to fire him if it
feels that he has over ' • '' " ' ' "."": ' ' • • ''' • '
reached himself. He
did so first in 1956
during the Suez crisis;
he repeated his chal-
lenge in 1956 after the
Russian guns blasted
the Hungarian revolu-
tion. In 1957, when he
was elected for his
second five-year term,
Hammarskjold told the
Assembly that his two
statements of 1956
were still valid. And
a few weeks ago, as
the Council was dis-
Dag Hammarskjold
cussing Lebanon, Jor-
dan and Iraq, he said it again. Hammarskjold is in
the saddle and intends to ride the road he selects.
He has chosen the Middle East as his fief.
Being one of the world's smartest politicians
(using that term in its most profound sense) as
well as perhaps the world's greatest administrator,
Hammarskjold has been smart enough to develop
his new powers step by logical step. Here are the
major steps through which he has ascended to
his present position as overlord of the Middle
East:
1. He has visited the Middle East, in the last
three years, more frequently and more times than
any other area in the world. He has met every one
of the Middle East heads of state, including of
course, Israel's Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion
and the United Arab Republic's President Gamal
Abdel Nasser. By this time, he knows them well,
they know him.
2. When the United Nations Emergency Force
was established, UNEF was placed under his per-
sonal command. UNEF has Sen. E. L. M. Burns
as Commander; but Burns' boss is Hammarskjold.
In connection with UNEF, he got the Assembly to
authorize him to establish an Advisory Committee.
Note the word: "advisory." He is the executive;
the committee's advice need not be taken. The
committee consists of seven members: Brazil, Can-
ada, Ceylon, Colombia, India, Norway and Pakistan.
3. When the Security Council decided to estab-
lish UNOGIL — the United Nations Observation
Group in Lebanon — the job was assigned to the
Secretary General. It was he who selected the
three men who, officially, comprise UNOGIL; it
was he who organized a special secretariat of
military and civilian officials to staff UNOGIL.
The group is Hammarskjold's responsibilty, no
one else's.
4. When the Security Council got itself snagged
in the cold-war entanglements of the Lebanon-
Jordan-Iraq-U.A.R. situation, Hammarskj old went
one step further. It was a small step. It went
virtually unnoticed here.
One must recall that he, as Secretary General,
is also the bossman of the United Nations Truce
Supervisory Organization in Palestine, and of the
four Mixed Armistice Commissions set up as
between Israel and the four Arab states with which
it has armistice agreements. Thus he already had
vast powers in regard to the Middle East. But
one more step was needed. Being extremely wise
in the way of legitimizing every single move,
Hammarskjold needed another group of national
representatives to share the responsibility for
placing all of his Middle East functions in one
basket. Officially, then, he invited seven outstanding
diplomats to form a "consultative" committee. It
so happened that every one of these seven repre-
sented a country already having membership on
the UNEF Advisory Committee. But the seven
were invited to serve as individuals.
The seven are Cyro tie Freitas-Valle of Brazil;
S. A. Ritchie, of Canada; Sir Claude Corea, of
Ceylon; Dr. Alfonso Araujo, of Colombia; Arthur
S. Lall, of India; Hans Engen, of Norway; and
Prince Aly Khan, of Pakistan. "The geographical
composition of this group," said Mr. Hammarskjold
in his open announcement, "is the same as in the
Advisory Committee on the UNEF established by
the General Assembly in 1956."
At the very first meeting of this "Consultative
Committee on Lebanon," the seven men, serving
"in exclusively personal capacity," discussed—not
only Lebanon, not only Jordan and Iraq, but the
entire Middle East.
It is certain that these seven men — plus,
perhaps, representatives from Sweden and Yugo-
slavia — may play an important role as "personal"
consultants to Mr. Hammarskjold on the Middle
East. But the strings are in the hands of the
Secretary General himself. He has placed his stakes
on hopes of achieving a solution of the Middle
East problems including the Israel-Arab sector
of the total vexations. He is probably primed to
"go for broke" in his efforts. Whether his efforts
will be, in the long run, beneficial for Israel or
otherwise — that remains to be seen. But that he
is trying — that is certain.